W.J. Marchand Conference “Knowledge networks in rural Europe since 1700, KU Leuven Interfering in rural knowledge networks. The function and effects of study allowances for the Dutch veterinary school, 1821-1900 Wouter Marchand Rijksuniversiteit Groningen [email protected] Introduction In this paper the education and practice of the veterinarian profession is interpreted as a knowledge network in the Netherlands. It does so, leaving from the point of view of the funding of veterinarian education and is part of a larger research to the functions and effects of study allowances for professional and academic education in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in the Netherlands.1 Professional education for veterinarians came comparatively late in the Netherlands.2 A public veterinary school was established in 1821 in Utrecht , paid for by the state. Indirectly however, a large share of the budget for the school was collected from the eventual end-users of the veterinarian knowledge, the farmers. The school was predominantly paid for from the revenues of an agricultural fund (Fonds voor den Landbouw), that was filled by means of a tax on the possession of cattle. Before the establishment of the veterinary school, veterinary was practiced either by academically educated human physicians, or by practically experienced farriers, blacksmiths and other craftsmen in an agricultural context who practiced veterinary as a side job.3 The professional, educated veterinarian from the Utrecht school had to struggle for existence among these two groups. 1 W.J. Marchand, Onderwijs mogelijk maken. Twee eeuwen invloed van studiefinanciering op de toegankelijkheid van het onderwijs (1815-2015) (forthcoming). 2 P.A. Koolmees, “De professionalisering van het veterinair beroep in Nederland”, Argos 6 (1992) 151-159, 152. 3 C. Offringa, “Ars veterinaria: ambacht, professie, beroep. Sociologische theorie en historische praktijk”, Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 96 (1983) 407-432, 413. 1 W.J. Marchand Conference “Knowledge networks in rural Europe since 1700, KU Leuven From the early days of the establishment of the school, study allowances were available for a majority of its pupils. These grants came from a variety of origins: mainly from the agricultural fund (24 per annum), in addition from the department of Defense (6) and a variable number from regional governments. The ‘system of grants’ was put on hold after 1844 and not restored until 1918. This paper revolves around the question what the function and effects of these allowances were in the studied period of 1821 until 1939, and what the consequences were of the abolishment of it. This paper will proceed as follows. In section 2 the context will be provided about Dutch veterinarian education and study grants for professional education. In section 3 I will go into the data and methodology. Section 3 provides the results and finally concluding remarks will be made. Veterinary education in the Netherlands In the eighteenth and early nineteenth century, not much centrally organized professional education was available. The usual way of learning an occupation in commerce or industry was on-the-job. A number of institutions emerged after private initiative, such as schools for engineering and spin schools for workers in the weaving industry.4 Also in the case of veterinary education, instead of the government it was the Society for the advancement of agriculture taking the lead. Cornelis Offringa, the one of the key chroniclers of Dutch veterinary history, cynically wrote that the main response of the central government to the series of rinderpest epidemics in the eighteenth century (1713-1719, 1744-1759 and 1768-1786) was the organization of prayer meetings.5 Veterinary surgeries were mainly executed by farriers, who were specialized in the care for horses but did not succeed in ending the rinderpest. Soon it was claimed that this was insufficient, mainly by private associations. From 1808 a number of young pupils were sent to the Ecole Veterinaire in the French town of Alfort. These 19 pupils who visited the school in Alfort between 1808 and 1813 (when the arrangement was ended), received an allowance that permitted them to pay for their expenses. Rather, it allowed them to lead a comparatively luxurious life, as the height of this allowance, 800 francs, was twice as high as the one their French fellow students received.6 After the ending of French rule in the Netherlands and the establishment of the kingdom of the Netherlands in 1815 the establishment of a veterinary school was seriously studied and eventually emerged in 1821 in Utrecht. This school was financed from the revenues of the Agricultural fund, that was set up in 1799 with the intention to compensate farmers for the loss of cattle as a result of the culling of sick animals. The fund was filled by means of a tax on animals. In 1816 a farmers paid two stuivers for each cow older than two years of age, each horse older than three years and for eight sheep.7 This insurance arrangement was to prevent cattle farmers to switch to arable farming. Due to the business risk of the series of rinderpest outbreaks presented in combination with the high prices of grain, this switch 4 J. Wolthuis, Lower technical education in the Netherlands 1798-1993. The rise and fall of a subsystem (Leuven 1999) 95-96. 5 Offringa, “ Ars veterinaria”, 416. 6 W.Th.M. Frijhoff, “ Noord-Nederlandse leerlingen aan de veeartsenijschool te Alfort in de Franse tijd”, De Nederlandse leeuw 93 (1976) 372-377. 7 G. Luttenberg, e.a., Luttenberg's chronologische verzameling der wetten en besluiten, betrekkelijk het openbaar bestuur in de Nederlanden sedert de herstelde orde van zaken in 1813, chapter 1816 (Zwolle 1841) 3. 2 W.J. Marchand Conference “Knowledge networks in rural Europe since 1700, KU Leuven to arable farming happened relatively often in the last decades of the eighteenth century.8 The fund therefore served the promotion of cattle farming, and under the latter purpose the dissemination of veterinary knowledge was understood. From this fund 24 pupils who were placed on the boarding school received an allowance of 400 guilders per year. Graduates furthermore received a yearly complement to their salary of 400 guilders for the course of four years. Graduates were called rijksveearts, or certified veterinarian, to distinguish them from the practical, not officially educated vets, called empirists. The replacement of these uneducated empirists by certified vets was an important target of the school from the beginning. Peter Koolmees, professor of veterinary history at Utrecht university, interprets this targeted replacement of unofficial veterinarians by educated certified vets as the first stage of the professionalization of the veterinarian in the Netherlands.9 The dissemination of veterinarian knowledge from the veterinary school over the Netherlands was geographically organized. It was customary to distribute the allowances evenly over candidates from each province of the country, and to place the trained veterinarian in his province of origin. That way, the acquired knowledge would be spread to each part of the country. In some years this way of distributing graduates over the Netherlands faced practical challenges. In 1845 the Department of the Interior corresponded with the school board about the placement of graduates of that year. Three of them were originated in the Gelderland area, in which province four certified vets were placed just the year before. In this case, the school deviated from the practice to place graduates in the area of origin. 10 It follows that the certified veterinarians were not free to settle where they wanted, but obliged to work in the area the government required them work. Still, the graduates from the veterinarian school could benefit from a number of treats that made placement on the school profitable. The allowances made the education free of charge, and the complement to their starting salary guaranteed a the possibility to build up a living in the early career. Albeit unintended, the veterinary school provided an attractive opportunity to follow additional professional education and escape the lower classes. There were only few opportunities to do so through education, in the early decades of the nineteenth century: on-the-job training with a head master and become a primary school teacher was one opportunity11, a career through the army another. The funding of the veterinary school from the agricultural fund came under pressure, though, as a result of a lack of money in the fund. This was a result of the high demand for compensation from farmers who lost a share of their livestock in the lung disease outbreak of the 1830s.12 From 1844 therefore no new allowances from the agricultural fund were distributed. In 1849 the last grant pupil 8 The causes of the switch from cattle to arable farming in the last decades of the eighteenth century are topic of debate. The traditional explanation of a combination a rinderpest outbreaks and high grain prices between 1775 and 1800, is disputed among others by Hofstee, who placed the transition in a more sociological frame. Summary of the discussion is found in P. Priester, De economische ontwikkeling van de landbouw in Groningen 1800-1910: een kwalitatieve en kwantitatieve analyse (Wageningen 1991) 4-18. 9 Koolmees, “De professionalisering”, 157. 10 Het Utrechts Archief, 213-42. 11 H.W. van Essen, Kwekeling: tussen akte en ideaal : de opleiding tot onderwijzer(es) vanaf 1800 (Amsterdam 2006) 42. 12 Offringa, “Ars veterinaria”, 424. 3 W.J. Marchand Conference “Knowledge networks in rural Europe since 1700, KU Leuven graduated the veterinary school.13 The abolishment of this funding elicited disappointed or even cynical responses in the press. In 1858 Winand Staring (1808-1877), one of the pioneers in Dutch agronomy14, reminded the reader of the liberal magazine De Gids of the costs of the veterinary school, and the disappointing outcomes. “The 148 pupils educated from 1819 until 1849 have cost our country 1,130,000 guilders, or 7,600 guilders each. Despite this sacrifice of thirty years, the countryside is still flooded with empirists. (…) It is certain that the school has served a good purpose, but it is crippled by the faulty and expensive manner it is organized.”15 Indeed the target of gradually replacing empirists by certified veterinarians was hardly achieved. In 1846 a survey among municipalities revealed that 121 certified veterinarians had to compete with 771 empirists, in whom the majority of farmers held an undiminished trust. Their was a conservative mistrust in the veterinarians educated in so-called “Oxford in Utrecht”.16 Farmers preferred the services of empirists not only because they were familiar faces, but also because the certified vets had the reputation of proceeding to culling of sick cattle earlier than their uncertified adversaries. However this might be an effective strategy to stop an epidemic, it did not necessarily win them the trust of the farmers. The municipalities furthermore indicated that the practically educated vets could not be missed.17 As a result of this, the graduates from the Utrecht veterinary school had a hard time to guarantee an existence with their income. Only after the Veterinary Practice law of 1874, which dictated that from that year onwards veterinary could only be practiced in its full extent by graduates from the veterinary school, things started to look better for the certified vets. Veterinarian practitioners who were not educated in Utrecht had to take an admission exam to be permitted to continue to practice veterinary. Table 1 shows the number of working certified vets vis a vis the number of working empirists in a few years throughout (longer) nineteenth century. It shows that the number of certified vets started to outnumber the empirists only multiple years after the law of 1874. Figure 1 shows the result in the number of certified and practically schooled veterinarians in the Groningen area. Table 1. The number of certified and practically educated veterinarians in five sample years between 1826 and 1906. 1826 1846 1876 Certified 20 121 140 Empirists ? 771 380 Source: Koolmees, “De professionalisering”, 153. 1886 168 243 1896 223 187 1906 322 106 13 Schornagel, “De Rijks-veeartsenijschool”, in: Een eeuw veeartsenijkundig onderwijs. 's-RijksVeeartsenijschool, Veeartsenijkundige Hoogeschool, 1821-1921 (Utrecht 1921) 82. 14 J.G. Frederiks and J. van den Branden, Biografisch woordenboek der Noord- en Zuid-Nederlandse letterkunde (Amsterdam 1888), accessible though: http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/bran038biog01_01/bran038biog01_01_3895.php?q=. 15 W.C.H. Staring, “De geschiedenis van den boerenstand”, De Gids 22 (1858) 545-581, 571. My translation. 16 Offringa, “Ars veterinaria”, 421. 17 Koolmees, “De professionalisering”, 153. 4 W.J. Marchand Conference “Knowledge networks in rural Europe since 1700, KU Leuven Figure 2. Number of certified and practically schooled veterinarians in Groningen, 1867-1897 Total number of vetarinarians Certified Practically schooled Source: S. van Woerkom, “De uitoefeningswet op de veeartsenijkunst (1874) en de invloed daarvan op de samenstelling van Groninger veeartsen tot 1900” (unpublished paper 2014) 15. Data and method In this research the function and effects of the available allowances are the topic of study. In order to make a valuable statement about this, a dataset of pupils from the early decades of the Utrecht veterinary school is composed. This dataset covers the period 1821 to 1862, and thereby focuses on years in which allowances were admitted, and the years after the abolishment of the system. In this dataset prosopographical characteristics of 320 pupils is collected from the archives of the school preserved in the regional archives in Utrecht.18 Of these 320, 147 studied with an allowance, 114 attended the school after paying a school fee between 1821 and 1849, and 53 visited the school after the abolishment of the system of allowances. Of six pupils in the years 1821-1849 it was uncertain if they received an allowance or studied on their own costs. I was interested in the geographical origin of the pupils, as this seemed to play a role in the distribution od allowances. The place of birth was recorded in the school archives as well as in the list 18 Het Utrechts Archief, 213-13, 42, 225 and 824. 5 W.J. Marchand Conference “Knowledge networks in rural Europe since 1700, KU Leuven of enrollments published in the centennial festschrift of 1921.19 Furthermore, the social origin of the pupils is investigated, using the occupation of their father as indicator. Although occupation is not the only possible indicator of socioeconomic position, it provides us with information about educational attainment, earning capacity and social standing.20 The relatively ample availability of occupational titles in birth, marriage and death certificates makes an investigation of a considerable size possible. In a few cases the occupations of the fathers were mentioned in the records of the veterinary school, but in a majority of cases these were extracted from the marriage certificates of the veterinarian student available on the web.21 Typically students married three to ten years after graduation, so the probability that the occupation found in the marriage certificate was a good proxy for father’s social status by the time of admission to the institution was high. A possible selection bias to this exercise is the exclusion of pupils who never married. However, permanent celibacy was not very common among men born between 1800 and 1905: at least 86 per cent married at some point.22 The odds for remaining unmarried were highest for sons of the elite.23 This would mean a slight underestimation of the on average social origin of pupils. The percentage of pupils of whom parental occupation was found was 72 per cent. These occupations are classified using the HISCLASS class scheme. This scheme classifies occupations on the basis of duties, supervision and required education, in a clear 12 class system ranging from 1 (high) to 12 (low). HISCLASS has the ambition to do so for a long historical period and is used for research into social stratifications from the eighteenth to the early twentieth century. Ironically, the position of veterinarian in this class scheme is ambiguous. HISCLASS classifies them as part of the Higher professionals (HISCLASS 2), mainly occupations that required academic schooling. But as we saw in the introduction to this paper, the extent to which veterinarians were educated in the Netherlands in the nineteenth century was subject to a struggle between the government, the profession itself and the farmers. The best solution for me was to classify certified veterinarians, the ones either educated in Utrecht, or on a veterinary school abroad, as members of HISCLASS 2, and empirists as Other veterinarian workers and thus member of HISCLASS 4. The demand for education on the veterinary school could be reconstructed using the lists of enrollments published in the commemorative book for the 100 years existence in 1921.24 Results We saw that Staring found the education of the certified veterinarians between 1821 and 1849 inefficient and too expensive. Now who were these students and what was the purpose of the allowances they received? It seems the allowances in the period 1821-1849 served two purposes: to 19 J.E.W. Ihle, “Naamlijst der leerlingen aan ’s-Rijks-veeartsenijschool en der studenten aan de veeartsenijkundige hoogeschool” in: H.M. Kroon, Een eeuw veeartsenijkundig onderwijs. 's-RijksVeeartsenijschool, Veeartsenijkundige Hoogeschool, 1821-1921 (Utrecht 1921) 167-200. 20 M.H.D. van Leeuwen and I. Maas, Hisclass. A historical international social class scheme Leuven 2011) 12. 21 Www.wiewaswie.nl. 22 P. Ekamper et al., Bevolkingsatlas van Nederland: demografische ontwikkelingen van 1850 tot heden (Rijswijk 2003) 78. 23 Th.L.M. Engelen and J. Kok, “Permanent celibacy and late marriage in the Netherlands, 1890-1960”, Population 58 (2003) 1, 67-96, there 83. 24 Kroon, H.M., Een eeuw, 223. 6 W.J. Marchand Conference “Knowledge networks in rural Europe since 1700, KU Leuven guarantee a high demand for the education on the veterinary school and to disseminate the acquired knowledge evenly over the country. A third objective could be to offer middle and lower class youngsters a channel for upward mobility, but in this period of time this was not a goal that was actively pursued. In the first years the demand was high. Apart from the 24 pupils on an allowance, about twenty pupils a year followed the courses paying a fee of 400 guilders. In fact, the school could not house all the pupils, so that principle Numan had to make his staff residence available for pupils to live in. He rented a house elsewhere in the city for the time being.25 The number of students collapsed however as a result of the Dutch-Belgian war of 1830, in which the southern Netherlands fought for independence. This had strong repercussions for the veterinary school, where 39 per cent of the pupils enrolled between 1821 and 1830 was originating from the southern Netherlands. The festschrift for the centennial in 1921 writes that some of these pupils were sensitive to “Belgian sentiments”, and that the population of Utrecht was protesting against their presence and the fact that they were studying with allowances from the agricultural fund.26 The school closed for a while and re-opened in 1831 with exclusively pupils “from the traditional districts”.27 The attendance steadily returned to the level of 1830. After 1840 however, the student numbers were in decline. In these years it became evident that the struggle with the empirists was not easily won. The certified veterinarians had had many difficulties fighting the lung disease of the thirties and had to struggle to make a living.28 This damaged the reputation of the school. The enrollments furthermore completely collapsed when the system of allowances was put on hold in 1844. It was only after the reduction of the school fee from 400 to 200 guilders per year in 1860 that the enrollments started to recover. On the long term we see that the student numbers got a boost after the veterinary law of 1874, when the educated vets were lawfully protected against their adversaries. This obviously made the role of the veterinary school notably more important. According to Koolmees in this period the expertise of the certified veterinarians became accepted by farmers at last.29 At the same time we need to acknowledge that the attendance in schools for additional (post primary) education increased in this period, as a result of rising living standards, demographic growth and the increasing number of children who finished primary education.30 Figure 1 shows the enrollments between 1821 and 1900. It shows that the price of education had a notable impact on the enrollment. The abolishment of the system of allowances had a clear negative effect on the number of students, while the decrease of the school fee had a positive effect. 25 Schornagel, “De Rijks-veeartsenijschool”, 76. H.A. Vermeulen, “Het internaat, het studentenleven en de studentenmaatschappij”, in: Kroon, Een eeuw, 211. 27 “Kweekelingen uit de oud-Hollandse gewesten”, Utrechts Archief, 213-13. 28 Offringa, “ Ars veterinaria”, 427. 29 Koolmees, “De professionalisering”, 155. 30 C.A. Mandemakers, “Onderwijsdeelname, 1870-1990”, In: ”, in: R.J. van der Bie en P. W. N. M. Dehing (red.), Nationaal goed: feiten en cijfers over onze samenleving, (ca.) 1800-1999 (Voorburg 1999) 179-197. 26 7 W.J. Marchand Conference “Knowledge networks in rural Europe since 1700, KU Leuven Figure 1. Enrollments on veterinary school Utrecht, 1821-1890 100 80 60 40 20 Number of students 1890 1887 1884 1881 1878 1875 1872 1869 1866 1863 1860 1857 1854 1851 1848 1845 1842 1839 1836 1833 1830 1827 1824 1821 0 Number of first year enrollments Source: Ihle, “Naamlijst der leerlingen”, 167-200. As far as the geographical origin of the pupils is concerned, we expect a more or less even distribution over the provinces. Table 2 shows the geographical origin of pupils visiting the school between 1821 and 1844, the years in which the regional recruitment of pupils could be ‘manipulated’ with the distribution of allowances. The provinces belonging to the Southern Netherlands have been excluded for the sake of clarity. It seems that the allowances form the Agricultural Fund were indeed used to recruit students from all provinces. The allowances guaranteed the attendance of students from remote areas such as Drenthe, Friesland and Overijssel. On the other hand, from near provinces such as Gelderland and Zuid-Holland a notable number of pupils enrolled even without receiving an allowance. The small appeal of the veterinary school to pupils from Utrecht is remarkable. Table 2. Geographical origin of pupils from the veterinary school, 1821-1843 Province Allowance Allowance of Own costs Total Agricultural fund another type Drenthe 13 0 1 14 Friesland 13 1 0 14 Gelderland 15 4 13 32 Groningen 12 0 1 13 Noord-Brabant 9 3 10 21 Noord-Holland 10 1 4 15 Overijssel 13 1 0 14 Utrecht 7 5 3 15 Zeeland 6 2 8 15 Zuid-Holland 10 5 13 28 Total 108 22 53 183 Source: My research based on Utrechts Archief 213; Ihle, “Naamlijst der leerlingen”, 167-200. 8 W.J. Marchand Conference “Knowledge networks in rural Europe since 1700, KU Leuven After the abolishment of the system of allowances the recruitment from remote areas, most notably Drenthe, Friesland and Overijssel, immediately fell short, (table 3). Table3. Geographical origin of pupils from the veterinary school, 1852-1862. Province Number of students Drenthe 2 Friesland 4 Gelderland 12 Groningen 9 Noord-Brabant 7 Noord-Holland 5 Overijssel 2 Utrecht 11 Zeeland 12 Zuid-Holland 10 Total 74 Source: My research based on Utrechts Archief 213; Ihle, “Naamlijst der leerlingen”, 167-200. Figure 3. Occupations of fathers of veterinary pupils 1821-1844 and 1852-1862, percentages in HISCLASS scheme 60 % 50 40 30 20 Pupils 1821-1844, allowance (N=118) 10 0 Pupils 1821-1844, without allowance (N=65) Pupils 1852-1862 (N=38) Source: My research based on Utrechts Archief 213; www.wiewaswie.nl. 9 W.J. Marchand Conference “Knowledge networks in rural Europe since 1700, KU Leuven As stated earlier, the existence of a system of allowances made the veterinary school, albeit unintentionally, an attractive channel for social mobility. It is therefore interesting to study the social origin of the pupils of the veterinary school, and distinguish between pupils with and without an allowance. Figure 3 shows the parental occupations of three types of pupils, classified according to the 12 class HISCLASS scheme in which for reasons of clarity groups 6 and 7, and groups 9 to 12 are combined. The veterinary school had a certain appeal to adolescents from all social strata, but most notably from the middle classes, the Lower professionals and Skilled workers. People from the higher strata were willing to send their offspring to this particular school of professional education, and did so on their own costs more easily than members of lower social groups. Pupils receiving an allowance in a large majority came from the class of Lower professionals, where occupations such as shopkeeper, primary school teacher and civil servant were placed. The percentage of veterinary students from an agricultural background was as low as 9 per cent. A chi squared test indicates that there are significant differences between these populations with regard to social origin.31 After the abolishment of the grant system, this immediate opportunity for upward mobility was limited because the price of education went up. This is reflected in the appeal the school had on youngsters from the lowest strata. After 1850, the school recruited under veterinarians’ sons to a greater extent than before 1849. 13 out of 38 pupils were sons of veterinarians (8 certified, 5 empirists). The range of occupations the school recruited from was limited. The share of pupils from HISCLASS 2 was notably higher, while zero pupils from the lowest strata attended. Again, a chi squared test indicates that there are significant differences between these populations with regard to social origin.32 Concluding remarks In the professionalization of the veterinarian profession, the government took a leading role in decreeing what was acceptable veterinarian knowledge and practice, and what was not. By establishing a veterinary school and favoring its graduates over the practically schooled veterinarians, it interfered in existing veterinarian knowledge networks. This interference was not easily accepted by farmers, who continued to use the services of practically schooled vets. One instrument the government used to guarantee an acceptable outflow of certified veterinarians from the Utrecht school, were study allowances from the revenues of the Agricultural Fund. These had a double purpose: to create a high demand for veterinarian education, and an even distribution of the acquired knowledge over the country. The allowances had a disappointing effect, because the system was forced to be put on hold after the fund ran dry. Only after legal intervention in 1874, finally protecting the certified veterinarian from the practically schooled, settled the deal. But still, 31 ₂ χ =16,37; df=7; p=0,02 significant at the α=0,05 level. There is reason to reject the null hypothesis that the populations are equal. 32 ₂ χ =17,90; df=7; p=0,03 significant at the α=0,05 level. There is reason to reject the null hypothesis that the populations are equal. 10 W.J. Marchand Conference “Knowledge networks in rural Europe since 1700, KU Leuven even as late as 1936, a commission studying the labor market opportunities of the academically schooled concluded that veterinarians’ opportunities were frustrated because of the unofficial services provided by uneducated quacks.33 Sources and literature Archives sources - Het Utrechts Archief, entry 213, numbers 13, 42, 225 and 824. Literature - - - - Ekamper, P., et al., Bevolkingsatlas van Nederland: demografische ontwikkelingen van 1850 tot heden (Rijswijk 2003). Engelen, Th.L.M., and J. Kok, “Permanent celibacy and late marriage in the Netherlands, 1890-1960”, Population 58 (2003) 1, 67-96. Essen, H.W., Kwekeling: tussen akte en ideaal : de opleiding tot onderwijzer(es) vanaf 1800 (Amsterdam 2006). Frijhoff, W.Th.M., “ Noord-Nederlandse leerlingen aan de veeartsenijschool te Alfort in de Franse tijd”, De Nederlandse leeuw 93 (1976) 372-377. Koolmees, P.A., “De professionalisering van het veterinair beroep in Nederland”, Argos 6 (1992) 151-159. Kroon, H.M., Een eeuw veeartsenijkundig onderwijs. 's-Rijks-Veeartsenijschool, Veeartsenijkundige Hoogeschool, 1821-1921 (Utrecht 1921). Leeuwen, M.H.D. van, and I. Maas, Hisclass. A historical international social class scheme Leuven 2011). Limburg, De toekomst der academisch gegradueerden: rapport van de Commissie ter bestudeering van de toenemende bevolking van universiteiten en hoogescholen en de werkgelegenheid voor academisch gevormden (Groningen 1936). Luttenberg, G., e.a., Luttenberg's chronologische verzameling der wetten en besluiten, betrekkelijk het openbaar bestuur in de Nederlanden sedert de herstelde orde van zaken in 1813, chapter 1816 (Zwolle 1841). Mandemakers, C.A., “Onderwijsdeelname, 1870-1990”, in: R.J. van der Bie en P. W. N. M. Dehing (red.), Nationaal goed: feiten en cijfers over onze samenleving, (ca.) 1800-1999 (Voorburg 1999) 179-197. Marchand, W.J., Onderwijs mogelijk maken. Twee eeuwen invloed van studiefinanciering op de toegankelijkheid van het onderwijs (1815-2015) (forthcoming). Offringa, C., “Ars veterinaria: ambacht, professie, beroep. Sociologische theorie en historische praktijk”, Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 96 (1983) 407-432. Priester, P., De economische ontwikkeling van de landbouw in Groningen 1800-1910: een kwalitatieve en kwantitatieve analyse (Wageningen 1991). Staring, W.C.H., “De geschiedenis van den boerenstand”, De Gids 22 (1858) 545-581. Woerkom, S. van, “De uitoefeningswet op de veeartsenijkunst (1874) en de invloed daarvan op de samenstelling van Groninger veeartsen tot 1900” (unpublished paper 2014) Wolthuis, J., Lower technical education in the Netherlands 1798-1993. The rise and fall of a subsystem (Leuven 1999). 33 Commissie-Limburg, De toekomst der academisch gegradueerden: rapport van de Commissie ter bestudeering van de toenemende bevolking van universiteiten en hoogescholen en de werkgelegenheid voor academisch gevormden (Groningen 1936) …. 11
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