Division of Tasks;
A qualitative research on the choices of Dutch Fathers regarding time spending.
Erik, Morris & Dexter by Rob Philip (2011)
Kiyomid van der Veer
Master thesis
Culture, Organization and Management
Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
June 2014
1
2
Division of Tasks
A qualitative research on the choices of Dutch Fathers regarding time spending.
Name
Kiyomid van der Veer
Student number
2524892
Study
Master Culture, Organization and Management
Faculty of social sciences, Organization Sciences
Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
Date
June 2014
Supervisors
Dr. Ida Sabelis (Vrije Universiteit)
Annemarie van Hinsberg (Movisie)
Second reader
Dr. Julie E. Ferguson (Vrije Universiteit)
Contact
[email protected]
3
4
Preface
During my search for a topic for my thesis, many possibilities crossed my mind. But when
I saw the job opening of Movisie’s for a student to research the balance between work, care
and spare time, I immediately felt this what I want.
Work, school, voluntary work, sports, friends, I love everything I do, however, also for me
it seems there never is enough time to do it all. When I look around in my group of friends
and acquaintances, I notice that I definitely am not the only one who always feels that there is
too little time to do everything. Since so many people now already seem so busy I am really
curious what will happen when the participation legislation will be launched in 2015. I, also
think this will cause more stress-related illnesses among people who are already busy unless
we change something in our behaviour. Being able to have a share in the attempt to change
current behaviour was a great motivation.
Now, after months of research, thinking, writing, talking, stressing and even crying, I finally
finished my thesis. It also implies the end of my time as student which means to say goodbye
to seven superb years of learning different skills and views. Now it is time to start putting my
experiences into practice and start a different phase of learning.
But before saying goodbye, I would like to thank several people who made it possible to
finish this thesis. First of all Ida Sabelis for her unbelievable involvement, trust, patience and
guidance throughout the process. My weekly blogs to her helped me to order my ideas. Her
replies and our meetings were very stimulating and/or reassuring. Also thanks to Julie
Ferguson for her great feedback and co-judging my thesis. Furthermore, I would like to thank
Annemarie van Hinsberg for proposing such an interesting topic, giving me the opportunity to
do my internship at Movisie and for sharing with me her enormous expertise in the field.
Thanks to all the respondents willing to share their personal stories with me. Thanks to all
colleagues for showing interest and giving me advice. Thanks to my friends for being there
when I needed them. Finally, I would like to thank my family for their listening ear, good
advice and encouragement. Special thanks to my mum who patiently spend many hours
listening and discussing with me the structure of my thesis. And last but definitely not least,
Niels, for being so enormously patient, trustful, motivating and sweet when living together
with the most jibber-jabbering person on earth.
Enjoy reading! ☺
Kiyomid
5
6
Abstract
The increasing stress-levels of Dutch parents ask for a change in division of tasks.
Theorization of motives of fathers is needed to discover the factors that can be influenced and
which form the basis for the current division. Thus the research question is: ‘Which motives
do Dutch fathers have when making (tacit) choices regarding work, care and spare time?’.
Through sixteen photo-elicitation interviews with a diverse group of Dutch fathers, it was
discovered that motivations of fathers depend on: practical reasons formed through visible
power, tacit reasons formed through discursive and hegemonic power, and individual
circumstances which change over time through aging and transitions in life. Conclusion is
drawn that practical reasons and individual circumstances form the preconditions of
motivations. The visible, hegemonic and discursive powers are influencing the completion of
these preconditions. They are the, although difficult, modifiable aspects in the motivations of
man.
7
Table of Contents
Preface .................................................................................................................................................... 5
Abstract.................................................................................................................................................... 7
1
Fatherhood in the Netherlands: Context and introduction of the research .................................... 10
2
Theorizing the Division of Tasks from a Gender Perspective ........................................................ 15
3
2.1
The construction of gender .................................................................................................... 15
2.2
The power of discourse ......................................................................................................... 16
2.2.1
Equality discourse.............................................................................................................. 16
2.2.2
Difference discourse .......................................................................................................... 17
2.2.3
Diversity discourse............................................................................................................. 18
2.2.4
Post- constructionist discourse .......................................................................................... 18
2.3
Hegemonic power .................................................................................................................. 19
2.4
Time ....................................................................................................................................... 20
2.5
Visible power ......................................................................................................................... 21
Methodology; designing and conducting the research ................................................................... 23
3.1
3.1.1
Choosing a qualitative research design............................................................................. 23
3.1.2
Step by step ....................................................................................................................... 24
3.1.3
Getting access and the search for Respondents ............................................................. 24
3.2
5
Research methods and materials .......................................................................................... 25
3.2.1
Researcher as instrument ................................................................................................. 25
3.2.2
Interviewing ........................................................................................................................ 27
3.3
4
Research Design and Strategy.............................................................................................. 23
Analysis and interpretation of collected data ......................................................................... 29
Research Results Typical fathers .................................................................................................. 31
4.1
The Breadwinner ................................................................................................................... 31
4.2
Irregular work ......................................................................................................................... 32
4.3
1.5 earner model.................................................................................................................... 33
4.4
Differently different................................................................................................................. 33
4.5
Weekend Dad ........................................................................................................................ 34
4.6
Covenant ordered .................................................................................................................. 34
4.7
Co-parenting .......................................................................................................................... 35
4.8
Motivations for the different models....................................................................................... 35
Analysis: Putting the Motivations in Perspective ............................................................................ 37
5.1
Practical Reasons .................................................................................................................. 37
5.2
That is not something you discuss… Tacit Reasons ............................................................. 39
5.3
Cultural Context ..................................................................................................................... 41
5.3.1.
Short History of Dutch Masculinity and Fathering ......................................................... 42
8
5.3.2.
The Masculine Man ....................................................................................................... 43
5.3.3.
The ‘Good’ Father .......................................................................................................... 45
5.3.4.
Fathers in the organization ............................................................................................ 46
5.4.
The Direct Environment ......................................................................................................... 47
5.4.1.
The Role Model ............................................................................................................. 48
5.4.2.
The Partner .................................................................................................................... 50
5.5.
Lifecycle ................................................................................................................................. 52
5.6.
Individual Circumstances ....................................................................................................... 54
6.
Conclusion and discussion ............................................................................................................. 55
6.1.
Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 55
6.2.
Discussion ............................................................................................................................. 57
Reference list ......................................................................................................................................... 59
Appendix A: Interview Guide ................................................................................................................. 64
Appendix B: Search for Respondents ................................................................................................... 67
1.
News item on Movisie website .................................................................................................. 67
2.
E-mail to colleagues .................................................................................................................. 67
3.
E-mail to acquaintances ............................................................................................................ 68
9
1
Fatherhood in the Netherlands: Context and introduction of the
research
“A normal weekday. Get up, breakfast, bring the children to school, directly to work, pick
the children up, go to tennis, soccer, bring flowers to a sick friend, cook while making some
calls, eat, put the children to bed, put the laundry in the machine, prepare a meeting for
tomorrow, and wham.. another day has passed. And again I missed the time for the
newspaper, sports or that beautiful movie. And I keep hoping that nobody gets ill, our parents
stay healthy and the car doesn’t fail. Otherwise it gets even harder.” (Colleague at Movisie)
This quote is a good example of things people encounter every day. Particularly parents
recognize what minister Asscher of Social Affairs and Employment calls the ‘combination
clip’ (Asscher, 2013). Parents are trying to combine many different tasks such as household,
work, voluntary work which causes a feeling of pressure (SER, 2011). Although Dutch are
champions in part-time work, the feeling of pressure rising, four out of ten Dutch parents feel
hurried at least two days a week (Cloïn, 2013).
Since the government is aiming for a transformation of Dutch society from a welfare state
into what is called a participation society, the expectation is that this hurried feeling will
increase (Asscher, 2013; Blauw, Daru, Hanzon & Hetem, 2011). Consequences of cutbacks
on professional care are that care for children, elderly and chronically ill, will become even
more responsibilities of citizens causing more stress trying to fit care, work and household
into a week. This stress causes a rising amount of people with burn-outs and other stress
related illnesses which will entail high costs for our society (Asscher, 2013). It would be
better for Dutch society if we revised the way we organize our days (Van Hinsberg, 2014).
This research will thus be focused on how parents could be stimulated to revise their division
of work, care and spare time.
A lot of research has already been done to work-life balance issues (Higgins, Duxbury &
Lee, 1994, Halford 2006; Ranson 2012; Todd, & Binns, 2013). Nevertheless these studies are
focused on gender equality from a women’s perspective since it is presumed that women can
be more easily approached and interviewed then fathers (Tavecchio & Bos, 201;, De Gruijter
& van den Toorn, 2013; Ruxton &van der Gaag, 2013). Besides mothers would be better at
10
reporting and giving insight in thoughts of their partners (Tavecchio &Bos, 2011). Studies on
gender equality from a men’s perspective is still in its infancy (Ruxton & van der Gaag,
2013). There still remains a gap in the theory on power of gender inequality in the role of the
father (Burnett, Gatrell, Cooper & Sparrow, 2013; Ten Broeke, 2010; Van Tricht, 2014).
Therefore fathers will be the topic of this research.
According to Bauman (2000) our society is formed by different forms of power. The first
power, visible power, finds its roots in the history of first modernity. During this period the
end-goal of individuals was to become autonomous, by freeing themselves from fixed
categories. These were held in place by visible power, ‘the power of A over B to do something
B would not do by himself’ (Foldy, 2002: 95). Currently we can still see some of these visible
powers in our society, mainly exercised by organizations and government.
While moving towards second modernity, the notion of power in the rest of society has
changed. Power became invisible, normalized power that lies in the omnipresent power of the
individual (Bauman 2000). The individual is free to choose and make his own choices. Yet,
choices are mostly influenced by tacit routine in their environment. The ‘unintended
consequences’ of being able to make your own decisions is that everyone is responsible for its
own actions. Making it difficult to be critical on one’s own situation.
To discover how these visible and invisible powers keep inequality within the organization
of households into place, we must research explicit and tacit motivations of fathers for their
choice of division. Thus, the main question of this research is: What motivates Dutch fathers
when making (tacit) choices regarding work, care and spare time?
Before being able to discover the motivations for a certain division between work, care and
spare time, an understanding must be gained of different ways fathers divide their time
between work, care and spare time. From research of Cloïn and Bierens we know that only
seven percent of parents work an equal amount of hours whereas half of the parents have a 1.5
earner model. Another quarter applies the breadwinner model (Cloïn & Bierens, 2012).
During the research it was noticed that, when not taking for granted that fathers are
heterosexual or married to the mother of their children (Burnett et al., 2013), there are more
models which describe the division of work, life and spare time. Since I wanted to give a
diverse group of people a say I wanted to re-evaluate the models of work, care and spare time
11
applied by the respondents. Leading us to the first sub-question; Which work-life balance
models are applied by the respondents?
The SER1 noticed that society is still causing time constraints for an equal division of tasks
(SER, 2011). Current Dutch social institutions such as employment legislation, parental leave
systems, opening hours of schools and childcare options stimulate mothers to work part time
(Van Huis, Verloo & Van der Haar, 2011; Ruitenberg, 2014). Time-management problems
are nowadays mostly solved by part-time working but this is not always the solution. More
flexible (working) times may cause more possibilities in dividing time according to personal
fit (SER, 2011). To understand how these practical possibilities motivated fathers for a certain
model the second sub-question is: Which practical reasons influence division of work, care
and spare time?
Organizational Sciences has examined the idea of gender within context of organizing the
world around us since the 1970’s (Acker, 1990; Kanter, 1977). Many researchers (e.g.
Christiansen & Palkovitz, 2001; Holter, 2007; Pocock, 2005; Townsend, 2002) show
continued centrality of breadwinning in men’s understanding of what it is to be a good father
(Halford, 2006; Ranson, 2012). Although the cultural image seems changed to the ‘new
father’ who is involved with his children and engaged in hands-on caregiving, it has not
displaced breadwinning requirements. Rather it is culturally assumed that men will work and
pay attention to their families (in that order) (Doorten, 2008; Ranson, 2012). For that reason
nine out of ten Dutch fathers continue to work same hours or start working more hours after
the birth of their child (in 2009). By contrast half of Dutch women decrease paid working
hours or stop working (Van Huis et al., 2011). Employment for men is seen as ‘an integral
part of what fathers do, as fathers, to support their children’, hands-on caregiving and paid
employment are seen as oppositional arenas (Garey in Ranson, 2012: 741). These deeply
historical and cultural embedded ideas of what a ‘new father’ has to do seem paradoxical and
lie in the discourses of society (Burnett et al., 2013: 635). In this research I would like to
discover how this discursive power, that is formed by practices, processes, actions and
meanings in the cultural context (Acker 1990) influences the motivations of fathers. This
leads to the third sub-question: How does discursive power which lies in the cultural context
effect motivations of the fathers for their current division of tasks?
1
SER= Social Economic Council (Sociaal Economische Raad)
12
90 % of Dutch men with a fulltime job say they would like to work less hours to be able to
participate more in care and household tasks (Groot-Wassink, 2008; Portegijs & Cloïn, 2012).
They are striving for equal division of tasks but in real life it appears that this so called
division is still unequally divided. What men finds appropriate for others, does not always
seem to be ideal for themselves (Merens, Hartgers & Van den Brakel, 2012; Ruitenberg,
2014). Men and women have ambivalent feelings about their roles in family. On the one hand
they would like to have an equal role, but on the other hand they feel more responsible for
traditional gender specific tasks (Wiesmann, 2010). Especially after having children, division
of tasks becomes more traditional (Merens et al., 2012). Many explain how this division was
based on efficiency since this felt natural and obvious for all family members. Not making it
necessary to explicitly discuss and talk about their division of tasks (Portegijs & Cloïn, 2012;
Ruitenberg, 2014). Benschop and Doorewaard (1998) argue that this natural division is
subject to hegemonic power which lies in acceptance, identification and consensus with every
day ideas and practices that are ordinary in the direct environment (parents, friends, partner)
of the father. Leading to the fourth sub-question: How does hegemonic power, which lies in
the direct environment, influence motivations of fathers to choose for a certain division of
tasks?
To derive to an answer to the main question, the interaction between visible, hegemonic,
discursive powers and individual circumstances must be considered. In addition, we have to
take into consideration that changes are occurring as time passes on. Transitions in lives of
fathers give a new perspective to the manner in which powers influence the fathers
motivations. The time consumption for care changes during the growing up of children, young
children need different care than older children. Besides by their own aging fathers gain life
experience. By trial and error fathers learn what kind of division of work, care and spare time
works for them and what does not (Kalmijn, 2002). In addition, life stages cause a change in
division of tasks. Especially increasingly frequent phases of divorce, and re-marriage, give a
new perspective on division of care (Haverkort & Spruijt, 2002). The last sub-question will
therefore be: How do life-cycle transitions and aging change motivations of fathers for a
certain division of tasks?
To explore the motivations of fathers, interviews with sixteen diverse men were conducted
by me. Interviews were directed on basis of photo-elicitation (Warren 2005) which is a visual
13
stimulus that helps through its indirect and concealed intent, to encourage respondents to
reveal their unconscious feelings and attitudes without being aware that they are doing so
(Dichter in Will, Eadie & MacAskill, 1996: 38). Through use of task-cards it was possible to
discover tacit division of tasks and motivations of fathers for their division between work,
care and spare time.
The goal of this research is thus to gain insight into motivations Dutch fathers have
regarding division of work, care, household and spare time in order to be able to theorize on
powers that influence motivations of fathers to choose for a division of work, care and spare
time that often leads to unequal division of tasks with their partner. A gender-stereotypical
division of tasks may have negative consequences for fathers since their involvement is
undermined by choices of the mother to work less (Ruitenberg, 2014). Duindam argues that
men who take time for to care of children create a stronger relationship with their children, a
better relationship with their partners and a more balanced, less stressful, lifestyle than fathers
who do not (Van Huis et al., 2011). Since the expectation is that stress-levels may rise and
research shows that spending time on care leads to a more balanced life, it seems to be
important to strive for equal division of tasks between partners. Understanding the
influenceable factors of motivations can help institutions, such as government’s, to strengthen
social interventions and make existing resources, policies and facilities more visible and
efficient for the target group (Nieborg, 2000) resulting in a more equal and less stressful
division of tasks in the participation society.
In the next chapter a theoretical framework is presented that helps gaining insight in
powers, practices and times that influence motivations of the fathers. In the third chapter more
insight will be given in methods that are used during research. ‘Typical Fathers’ will give an
explanation of different models that fathers apply in their division of work, care and spare
time with their partner. Some insight into motivations for these models will be given as well.
The fifth chapter, analysis, will give insight in the way different powers influence motivations
of fathers. Then the conclusion will be drawn that there are four different powers influencing
motivations of fathers but they are giving a different context to the fathers because of different
individual circumstances and life stages. Finally I will reflect on the conclusion and methods
of the research in the discussion.
14
2
Theorizing the Division of Tasks from a Gender Perspective
The previous chapter introduced how motivations of fathers regarding decisions on work,
care and spare time are influenced by different powers and transitions. In this chapter, first the
idea of the construction of gender is considered (2.1.). Then, explanation will be given on the
power of discourses on the construction of ‘men’ and ‘father’ (2.2.). Description of four kinds
of discourses which are visible in current society will be explained to give insight in the
current discursive power on motivations of fathers. Third, explanation will be given on
motivations of tacit choices of fathers through role models and the role of the partner which
affect father through hegemonic power (2.3). Next the visible power, which is expressed by
fathers as practical choices they make (2.4). Finally, it is argued that time must be taken into
consideration by observing life-cycle stages and the effects of aging (2.5).
2.1
The construction of gender
Division between work, care and spare time between partners is influenced by a strong
cultural division between men and women (e.g. Ranson, 2012; Merens et al., 2012). Gender is
often seen as a biological fixed term; you are born with a gender and this is who you are. Yet
in Social Sciences gender is not seen as fixed but as changing roles that people (have to) take.
Gerardi and Poggio (2001) argue that we should view gender “as a practice and not as a
natural phenomenon, as something that is done and not as something that ‘is’ ”(Gerardi &
Poggio, 2001: 257). Gender roles are taught to children by society (Ten Broeke, 2013).
Gender will in this thesis thus be considered as constructed by society meaning that when
referring to ‘man’ or ‘father’ there is referred to the cultural idea of masculine man and father.
In the Netherlands, the masculine man is taught to be dominant, loyal, brave, confident and
powerful (Ten Broeke, 2014, Ruxton & van der Gaag, 2013). On the other hand the ‘feminine
woman’ is characterized by sympathy and care (Steenbeek, 2012; Bervoets, 2014). Gender
roles are formed and reinforced through their dichotomous aspect (Gerardi and Poggio, 2001:
246) which means that they are formed by their contrasting nature. The dichotomous aspect
causes a paradox for fathers since Dutch fathers are expect to take part in childcare (Duindam
& Spruijt, 2002; Kalmijn, 2002; Merens et al., 2012). In the following chapters will be
discussed how gender roles are formed and how contrasting nature of genders shapes different
forms of discourses around the performance of gender.
15
2.2
The power of discourse
“Gender is not a natural attribute of people, but something we all create and recreate in
our everyday (..) interactions and discourses”(Gerardi & Poggio, 2001: 246). Discourses are
defining our view on gender since they are “practices, which systematically form the object of
which they speak” (Foucault, 1972: 49). They are never neutral, by speaking and writing
about ‘fathers’ or ‘man’ roles are constructed on how a father must act to stick to his gender
role. In chapter 5.2. will be described that many fathers tend to base their division of work,
care and spare time on tacit reasons that are constructed by the idea of how gender must be
performed. This research tries to discover how these discourses have power of the motivations
of fathers through studying discursive power which lies in the unseen, subtle, taken for
granted, underlying structures of society and is everywhere. There are no visible victims and
victors (Foldy, 2002). It is the reproduction of collective memory, that keeps repeating the
unequal divisions in society. Thus, “power is not about domination or resistance, but about
routinization, formalization and legalization of everyday practices” (Ghorashi and Sabelis,
2012: 4). For example, giving a compliment to a father because he is changing diapers shows
that his act is special since mothers would not get a compliment. In this sense discourse forms
the way the father thinks about his act. That is how ‘doing gender’ is a social practice that
positions people in contexts of asymmetrical power relations (Bruni in Murgia & Poggio,
2013: 413). The dichotomous gender roles are not equal in power, women are considered to
have more power of the private domain, which lies in the family sphere, whereas the power of
men is connected to the public domain, which is associated with work and politics.
These asymmetrical power relations are kept in place by inequality regimes, which are
‘loosely interrelated practices, processes, actions and meanings that result in and maintain
class, gender and racial inequalities’ (Acker, 2006: 443). By practicing the idea that women
belong to the private domain whereas men belong to the public domain inequalities, this
thought keeps being reproduced and stays alive. In this sense it becomes harder for women to
enter public domain and for men to enter private domain. In the next paragraphs four
discourses will be explained that keep inequality regimes in its place.
2.2.1 Equality discourse
The equality discourse tries to get rid of dichotomous thinking of gender roles. This
discourse focuses on nurture in the nature-nurture debate, it believes that differences between
men and women do not rest on genetically based differences but are repeatedly reproduced
16
(Ten Broeke, 2010). There are differences between men and women, but you can not say that
all men are the same and that all women are the same (Dona Daria, 2014). There is more
overlap between practices of genders than there is difference between the genders (Van
Tricht, 2014). That is why we should see men and women as equals despite their biological
difference. Followers of this discourse strive for equal division of task, equal chances to care,
entry to labour and equal pay.
Although men and women are often still portrayed as dichotomous in the media. The
discourse of equality is currently more and more present in Dutch society. Not only in the
increased acceptance that men care for children, but many people also start to feel that
nowadays fathers are supposed to do this. The same goes for the paid jobs for mothers; it is
not only acceptation but also there is the new thought that it should be like this (Kalmijn,
2002). Still what people find suitable for others, doesn’t always seems ideal for themselves
(Ruitenberg, 2014). In chapter 4 will be explained how fathers gain equality with their
partners.
2.2.2 Difference discourse
The second discourse, the difference discourse, focuses on different needs and experiences
that belong to different genders (Smithson and Stokoe, 2005), which has a reinforcing effect
on the dichotomy of different gender roles. Fathering is approached as necessary for the child
because the father has an essentially different role than the mother has. Tavecchio and Bos
(2011) argue: “Fathers can play a unique role, this is very important. The role can be
characterized by play, challenge, exploring and taking of risk and finally by supporting
autonomy later in the development of the child by supporting the transition to the world
outside of the family” (Tavecchio and Bos, 2011: 4). Focus is on complementary aspects of
the dichotomous mother and father.
Especially in parenting this discourse is still very visible. Fathers are approached as adding
something extra to care but are not considered to be as able to give the same structural care as
mothers. This thought brought us ‘daddy day’ an accepted one day a week that fathers take of
work to take care of their children. This ‘daddyday’ gives the impression that fathers are just
babysitting and not really responsible for care (Van Laar, 2014). Mothering and fathering are
thus often overgeneralized in this discourse which seems to be a mechanism of society and
fathers to cope with paradoxical expectations of ‘man’ and ‘father’. In the chapter ‘the ‘good’
father’ (5.3.2.) will be given further explanation on how the interviewed fathers respond to
this discourse.
17
2.2.3 Diversity discourse
The diversity discourse is especially found in organizations, which focus on diversity of
people instead of approaching different categories such as man and woman since they
consider that the existing generation is diverse and cannot be classified by age, gender or
ideals. For example, in one period of life emphasis will be on work while at another period of
life self-fulfilment will be most important. That is why there is a need for flexible working
structures, different timetables of schools and supporting facilities (Wouters, 2011).
Organizations increasingly implement work-life balance policies which are available for all
employees, by adjusting working patterns through the use of gender-neutral policies and
flexible working (Smithson and Stokoe, 2005). This discourse gives just as much
opportunities for fathers as for mothers to take time off and work around the hours the
children need care.
Focus on individualistic problems is the main critique on this approach (Smithson and
Stokoe, 2005). It is assumed that every individual has equal opportunities on the work floor as
long as one strives hard. This doesn’t take power and structural inequalities into account.
Since flexibility is offered, full-time working must be possible for everyone, however this
does not give attention to the energy which is required to work full-time, care for children and
do some informal care2 or voluntary work, resulting in burn-outs on the long run. Since the
‘unintended consequences’ of second modernity lays responsibility for choices with the
individual (Bauman, 2000; Asscher, 2013; Ruitenberg, 2014) the problem will now rest with
the individual rather than with the organization or society as a whole. This results in the fact
that, although the diversity discourse seems to give more opportunities for fathers, it lies time
problems with the father making it difficult to take some time off without it having an effect
on your career. In chapter 5.3.4. will be explained how fathers experience the flexibility of
their organization as well as the room (in)flexibility gives to perform their role as father.
2.2.4 Post- constructionist discourse
The last discourse, post-constructionist discourse, suggests that we should gain distance
from dichotomy thinking by challenging the construction of ‘father’ and ‘man’ (Smithson and
Stokoe, 2005). Currently a man is often depicted as breadwinner while fatherhood changes the
identity of men. This is not acknowledged in society, especially not in professional sphere.
Paternal desires to access family-friendly policies in the working place are often ignored
2
For Dutch readers; Informal care translated to Dutch is ‘Mantelzorg’
18
resulting that fathers often remain ghosts (Burnett et al., 2013). Fathers often do not get the
chance to show how fathering changed their perspective since they are only approached as
man and not as a father. This discourse encourages fathers to challenge the current gender
norms.
During the research some articles were found that tried to challenge the current thought of
‘man’ and ‘father’ (Driessen, 2014; Van den Breemer & De Jong, 2014 in chapter 5.3.2.). But
the articles that challenge current ideas still gain much resistance in other articles that argue
that ‘masculine man’ must come back (Van Bemmel, 2014). Throughout this thesis it is
noticed that this discourse is not widely supported in society, yet it exposes new movements
of constructing the roles of ‘man’ and ‘father’.
2.3
Hegemonic power
Tacit reasons of fathers are not only influenced by discourses in society but also by
hegemonic power (Foldy, 2002). According to Foldy the principle of hegemony is that a
dominant or elite group reinforces its hegemony through creating systems of ideas and
practices (Foldy 2002: 95). These constructions of popular systems of ideas and practices are
what Gramsci referred to as “common sense” (Foldy, 2002: 95). Common sense is through its
historical and social nature passed on from one generation to the other (Benschop and
Doorewaard, 1998). It is the socialized status quo which belongs to the common sense that
keeps people in its power (Wilson and Thompson, 2001). Fathers implicitly reproduce current
norms that lie in the status quo. This means that fathers often without intent reproduce what
they know and what they learned, keeping inequalities alive. This so called gender subtext can
be determined by looking at three paradigms in which it is manifested in society (Benschop &
Doorewaard, 1998).
First, hegemonic power manifests in (non) verbal expressions of common sense,
identification, consensus and legitimizing rationalities. People take the norms of their society
for granted, and automatically apply this to the way they divide their tasks. The assumption in
Dutch society is that women place private life over work whereas men do it the other way
round (Halfords, 2006; Steenbeek, 2013). In this way it is seen as ‘common sense’ that
women choose for care responsibilities and men to choose for more work. In chapter 5.2. is
discussed what men see as common sense and how this often forms the basis of division of
tasks.
Second, by examining concealed ways in which hegemonic power influences processes of
meaning formation (Benschop & Doorewaard, 1998). The taught traditional hierarchical
19
assessments underlie decisions that fathers take. Role models in form of friends and family
shows the fathers which and how they are to be performed. Causing fathers to shape their
ideas on how to give form to their division of tasks. In chapter 5.4.1. will be explained how
the role model has influenced fathers to choose for a certain division of tasks.
Third, hegemonic processes (re)produce consent or compliance with dominant discourse
and acceptance of day-to-day practices, in spite of possible disadvantages of these practices
for persons involved. Hegemonic power thus implies that people keep reproducing norms and
values they are used to, instead of critically looking at what would be best for them. Constant
reproduction of culture, or ‘cultural cloning’, implies how people constantly choose for
options they are familiar with (Essed, 2002: 2). Mothers saw their own mother, as role model,
take care for their children and do most of the housework. This influences the feeling of being
responsible for these tasks; this hinders equality between genders (Wiesmann, 2010) since
mothers often do not leave space for fathers to take on tasks labelled as their responsibility. In
chapter 5.4.2. attention is paid to the role of the partner when it comes to (non) verbal
expressions that keep gender inequalities alive.
2.4
Time
Cultural norms and discourses are, as mentioned in chapter 2.3., subject to time. This
means they are historically formed and placed (Foucault, 1972). Norms and common sense
are subject to the ‘Zeitgeist’, which represents historical, traditional and cultural embedded
assumptions that are dominant in society at a certain time (Foucault, 1968; Burnett, Gatrell,
Cooper and Sparrow & 2013). “Times are subject to negotiation, they change over time, to
different norms and values applied to our daily time use, they are subject to the processes of
change in the world ” (Sabelis, 2006: 169). If we want to understand how these processes that
interconnect individual, social, institutional, historical, socio-economic, political and socialenvironmental aspects come together, we must take ‘timescapes’ into consideration (Adam,
2008). A timescape view gives us the opportunity to make invisible motivations of fathers
visible and which gives a more holistic approach of the interconnections between different
motivations.
To make the ‘invisible visible’, time frame, timing, tempo and duration must be taken into
consideration. This shows how processes are embedded in society, which means we need to
place this research into a specific and unique context of time to understand how time formed
the current thought of the fathers (Adam, 2008). To take time into consideration we must give
attention to the fact that research was done in the Netherlands from January till May 2014.
20
During this time period there was a vivid discussion in the media about extra leave for fathers
who just got a baby. Much attention was paid to the role of fathers in the lives of children.
Besides Dutch society is preparing itself for a new law, the participation law, which will put
more responsibilities with the individual causing an increasing pressure on the time division
between paid work, housekeeping, care, informal care, voluntary work and other activities
(SER, 2011). The way time is divided over work, care and spare time changes over the stages
of life.
The life cycle is defined as a sequence of life stages where each stage is inaugurated by a
certain change in household and family relationships (Kalmijn, 2002). These so called
transition effects are different of age effects, which are determined by obtaining more insight
over the years (Kalmijn, 2002). Transitions in life, and aging cause a constantly changing,
shifting and adapting of the construction of work, care and spare time (Duijnhoven, 2010;
Roberts, 2008). For instance in terms of caring and being cared for. In chapter 5.5. will be
explained how fathers are influenced by their stage in the lifecycle and by their age.
Concluding, time is an important approach to the division of work, care and spare time
because ‘Zeitgeist’ influences the norms and common sense of a society. On the other hand
life cycle and aging processes influence the individual. These two combined influence the
motivation of fathers for a certain division of work, care and spare time.
2.5
Visible power
The previous chapters seem to suggest that fathers are only influenced by processes which
are not intentionally experienced. Though there are also visible powers that encourage some
practical decisions of fathers (Foldy, 2002). Visible power is “the ability of A to get B to do
something which otherwise B would not do” (Foldy, 2002: 95). First, the government is
practicing power over its civilians by means of legislation. Examples for instance are subsidy
on childcare and leave policies. These policies tend to stimulate both parents to work but it
does not always work out that way, especially under current circumstances of neoliberal
savings on budgets. The same goes for organizations, which increasingly implement work-life
balance policies, still these do not always have the desired effect. Besides policies and
legislation the motivations of men are also influenced by powers such as the wage gap
between men and women. Often fathers mentioned that higher wages for men eased their
decision to choose for paid work instead of care.
21
To conclude this chapter, motivations of fathers to choose for a certain division in work,
care and spare time are influenced by different powers. Yet, most important is the way fathers
apply the tacit knowledge in their own life (Weick, Sutcliffe & Obstfeld, 2005). In this thesis
understanding will be gained about the way fathers make sense of different powers and
influences and how they form this into a practice with which they can comply. Chapter 4 will
show us which motivations influenced the different models of division of tasks. Chapter 5 will
then give further explanation how these motivations were formed by different powers and
circumstances that influenced the fathers decisions. But first the next chapter will describe
how data was gathered.
22
3
Methodology; designing and conducting the research
In the previous chapter is theorized and contextualized on ‘masculine man’ and ‘father’ by
means of discourse, power and time. In this part of the thesis more detail will be given on the
qualitative research design and strategy of my research, methods used to gather information
and finally methods used to analyse and interpret the data.
3.1
Research Design and Strategy
A research design of good quality is important for every scientific research. Without a
good design, research lacks direction and consistency. Here, this chapter will show why and
how a qualitative study fits best in this specific research. In paragraph 3.1.1., attention will be
paid to main characteristics of and requirements of qualitative research in general and which
strategies are chosen for this research specifically. Second, some I will spend some words on
the planning and steps taken in this research (3.1.2.). Followed by an explanation how
respondents were searched and approached (3.1.3.).
3.1.1 Choosing a qualitative research design
Division of work, care and spare time is since a couple of years a topic of great interest for
researchers. This is due to the development of the ‘participation society’. Most of research
done on this topic is quantitative research that focuses on the division of tasks and actual time
spend on tasks between genders, from a quantitative perspective (Cloïn, 2013; Merens et al.,
2012, SER, 2011). When doing my desk-research I noticed that most qualitative studies on
division of tasks are done with regard to the role of women in society and at home, economic
independence of women and emancipation of women (Gruijter & van den Toorn, 2013;
Ruitenberg, 2014). Less is written about men and their say in the division of work-life balance
(Burnett et al., 2013) leading to the decisions to focus solely on men.
Research of Merens, Hartgers en Van den Brakel (2012) show that division of household
and care tasks and time spend on paid work changes drastically when couples get children. To
understand what changed during these years fathers were chosen as research subject. To be
able to reflect on choices and changes made during earlier years, I choose to interview fathers
with at least one child between 10 and 18 years old. In this way they can reflect on changes
that having children made in their life.
23
3.1.2 Step by step
The first month of research was spend on desk research. Articles in newspapers, magazines
and theoretical articles gave insight into the field of time spending. The first findings were
discussed in an expert-meeting about division of work, care and spare time. Some additional
thoughts about diversity were given and implemented.
The next two months were mostly spent on preparing the interviews, interviewing and
keeping up with the news about emancipation of men, leave for fathers and manhood in
general. Furthermore much time was spent on transcribing interviews. In part 3.2. more
details will be given about methods used during data gathering.
The months following the interviews were spent on analysing the discourses, coding and
writing. Details about this process are given in paragraph 3.3.
3.1.3 Getting access and the search for Respondents
Research was carried out in the Netherlands for Movisie and for the purpose of graduating
for the master Culture, Organization and Management. COM is a study that combines
multiple methods but is mainly derived from anthropology. It focusses on power structures
and sensemaking in the culture that helps us manage to organize the world around us. This
will be the perspective of my thesis.
Movisie is a knowledge institution in the Netherlands that deals with social issues. Since
the participation law will be launched in January 2015 they are expecting a change in society.
To raise awareness on the effect this may have on division of work, care and spare time they
are giving much attention on this subject this year. To gain understanding how people are
momentarily dividing their time between work, care and spare time they searched for a
student who could do a desk research and investigate a topic which was not yet covered. The
vacancy was launched at the website of the university. After application, I started the
internship at Movisie which consisted of research and involvement in the project about
balance of work, care and spare time.
While working for this organization access could be gotten to different network meetings
and information sessions. Furthermore an expert meeting was organized to check data
gathered through desk-research and to gain more information. Furthermore, Movisie’s
network was used to search for respondents. The letter which was put on their website and in
the newsletter can be found in appendix B.1. Through this letter three respondents were
found. In addition I took the opportunity to approach my colleagues at Movisie. In appendix
24
B.2. the letter can be found that was sent to all colleagues. In response five letters were gotten
from fathers who were willing to be interviewed. Four of them worked at Movisie while the
fifth was a friend of a colleague.
Finally, respondents where sought through my own network. These respondents were
vaguely familiar to me. The letter which was sent to these acquaintances can be found in
appendix B.3. A response was gotten from everybody whom I send an e-mail. This resulted
into eight more interviews. It must be noted that most of these acquaintances I knew through
voluntary work which might give a distorted view on the participation of fathers.
The sampling technique described above is described as convenience sampling (Boeije,
2010) which assumes that respondents who were convenient to contact were used. Besides
also the maximum variation sampling technique was used to find a group which was as
diverse as possible. It was very important to find a diverse group of fathers since current
studies that focus on work and family often depict fathers as stereotypically heterosexual,
married, work-oriented and unlikely to prioritise childcare (Burnett et al., 2013). Since this is
not representative I wished to undermine this heterogeneous thought therefore effort was put
in searching for a diverse group of fathers. Diversity in the group can be found in the form of
married, divorced, native, migrant, straight, gay, high educated, low educated, work in shifts,
work flexible, have a wife that doesn’t work, are without a job themselves, live in a city or
live in a village. It is not possible to cover every type of diversity but much effort was put in
finding a group that was as diverse as possible.
Overall, sixteen fathers from diverse backgrounds were interviewed. After fourteen
interviews repetition could be noticed though some extra interviews were planned to cover
diversity. Repetition is a sign which signifies exhaustion (DeWalt & DeWalt, 2011). Only the
homosexual father was a category on itself. The goal was to find more homosexual fathers
however it was quite difficult to find these respondents. More attention could be paid to this in
the following research.
3.2
Research methods and materials
3.2.1 Researcher as instrument
Qualitative studies are very sensitive to bias since the researcher is the instrument that gathers
the data. What must be taken into consideration is that I, the researcher, interpreted all
interviews. I, as a person, am the means and the instrument through which my study is
produced (Schwartz-Shea & Yanow, 2009: 60). This double hermeneutics (Schwartz-Shea &
25
Yanow, 2009: 57) implies that while I tried to stay objective, I am formed by a my own
historical background. Although, I tried to reduce bias by a sense of reflexivity, questions
were still formed by me. Therefore understanding must be gained of the position of the
researcher, in this case me.
I am a 23-year-old white Dutch woman who comes from a small village. My father has
always worked four days a week while my mother worked three days a week, which meant I
went to childcare two days a week. Although their way of parenting was different they both
took care of my two younger sisters and me. I noticed this was different from parents of many
of my friends. Additionally, I have been living together with my boyfriend for the past 3.5
years. When we started living together we discussed who does what and tried to divide tasks
equally. This was also a little strange to most of our friends.
Realization of this information is important since it might have coloured my view
sometimes. Although I tried to gain an equal understanding of everyone, it might have
happened that my own history prevented me from asking some questions. I have noticed that
sometimes it was too easy to accept the taken-for-granted ideas. The most explicit example is
that one father told me that he and his wife choose to be there for the children, so they applied
a breadwinner model. Since it is so ‘normal’ in our society that women take care of the
children while the father is responsible for income that I accepted his wife would be the one to
stay at home that at that time, I forgot to ask why it was his wife that stayed at home. During
reflection on the interview, I was stunned I did not ask him why his wife was the one staying
at home. Therefore I later contacted him to get an answer. Yet, this example shows the
importance of reflection and understanding your own background and norms to be as
objective as possible.
The fact that I am a woman also played a role during the interviews (DeWalt and DeWalt,
2011). I noticed that some fathers felt it was easier that I was younger and a women which
gave me the possibility to take the role of a student (Hermanowicz, 2002) implying that
fathers could teach me how it worked in ‘real’ life. On the other hand, being a woman caused
some difficulty with some fathers who tried to impress me. Also, some gave me the feeling
they had to be aware of what they said about tasks being feminine not to be done by men.
However, I noticed that in the course of the interview awareness became less and tasks could
be discussed more freely, thanks to the interview techniques that will be discussed in the next
paragraph.
During this thesis I will try to take you, the reader, by the hand and explain the steps of
rational thinking during the process. However, one must not forget that the reader also has his
26
or her own history and point of view. Try to keep the idea of this triple hermeneutics
(Hermanowicz 2002) in mind when reading this thesis. Awareness of our coloured view can
support us in understanding our bias which helps to become more objective towards the
research.
3.2.2 Interviewing
Interviewing was the main technique used for gathering data. Before starting the interviews
an interview guide was made (Appendix A). The first interview guide was, as suggested by
Hermanowicz (2002), tested. During the test interview with my father it was noticed that the
guide was ineffective. My father gave the desired answers, nevertheless, there was no flow in
the interview. Sensing, he could only answer the
questions because he knew what the research
was about, a new strategy was considered. The
idea of visual interviews, gained by researches
from Pink (2011) Warren (2004) and ClarkIbanez (2005), together with a conversation with
Annemarie, my supervisor at Movisie, gave me
the idea of using cards with tasks on it which is
shown in the image on the right.
To achieve maximum effect of the cards, two techniques were used. First it was used as a
choice ordering technique (Will, Eadie & MacAskill, 1996: 39). The respondents were asked
to put the tasks which they did in one place and place the rest of the cards on the pile of their
partner, together, outsourcing, or not applicable at all. In this way it could be seen what kind
of tasks the respondent does, how tasks are divided and what kind of tasks are seen as
important tasks for him.
But even more important was the use of photo-elicitation which is “The image in this
context is used as a prompt to “extract data from the respondent, rather than as “containing”
data in its own right, it is an image produced by someone other than the research participant”
(Warren, 2005: 864). According to Dichter projective techniques provide verbal or visual
stimuli, which, through their indirection and concealed intent, encourage respondents to
reveal their unconscious feelings and attitudes without being aware that they are doing so
(Dichter in Will, Eadie & MacAskill, 1996: 38). To gain results as described by Dichter the
completion technique was used. The tasks are shown and discussed one by one. This gave the
respondents the opportunity to explain more about the tasks and discuss it freely. Photo
27
elicitation thus helps to make visible what is normally invisible. It helps to talk about things
that are normally taken for granted (Clark-Ibanez, 2004; Pink, 2011).
For me the cards had exactly this effect. Tasks and its division is something that goes
implicit, without really thinking about it, it feels natural to most fathers. When starting the
interview respondents often did not really understood what was expected of them. The cards
made this much clearer, when fathers saw the cards and started to order them into different
stacks, the words and stories started to flow. The topics became more natural and associations
with pictures and words caused discussions about topics that were normally invisible.
During the interviews I tried to remember all the things we learned about interviewing.
Preserve the integrity of meeting someone new. Try to converse, to listen, probe at the right
moments. Try to see what the participant finds important and ask more questions about this.
Be quiet when your respondent is. Persist when necessary. Sometimes act innocent. Try to ask
your questions clearly, be balanced, be candid, show respect and embody detached concern
(Hermanowicz, 2002; DeWalt and DeWalt, 2011). This all sounds natural and obvious yet it
is more difficult than I thought. Sometimes ‘rapport’ is quickly built and the interview feels
natural but sometimes this was not so easy.
It was noticed that ‘rapport’ could more quickly be built by starting off with much
authority (Hermanowicz, 2002). The tool I gave myself was reading a short paragraph to the
respondents about the purpose of the interview, the goal of the research and there rights
(informed consent). Next, I told them the purpose of the cards and told them I was there to
learn. The powerful beginning showed them my competence and gave them the feeling it was
‘safe’ to talk. The talk was finished by an explanation of the use of the card. Then the power
was transferred to the respondents by handing them the cards. This was the moment when I
started taking the role of a student. This worked really well. Towards the end of the interview
I mostly started to ask more questions about their environment and the implications this had
on their division of tasks.
The realization that beginning the interview in this sense came when during the fourth
interview. The respondent kept playing with his phone, acting busy and only started listening
when I told him about the cards. Since he missed the beginning it took me ten minutes to get
him to understand the idea of the cards and the purpose of the interview, then it took us at
least another fifteen minutes to build ‘rapport’. As I did not want this to happen another time,
I made sure that people were listening during my explanation.
28
3.3
Analysis and interpretation of collected data
After doing empirical research, the phase of analysis and interpretation, through organizing
and interpreting collected data, arrived. The first step in the analysis of the data gathered was
transcribing the interviews. This was an experience in itself since it showed me the interview
from quite a new point of view. Listening to the interview again and again ensures that you
hear new things and get a better understanding of what the fathers exactly said, and what I, as
researcher had exactly asked.
The second step was analysing the transcriptions by coding. Keeping an open mind while
coding is most important. This made it possible to notice subjects, such as transitions, aging
and fathering that otherwise would not have been considered in this extend. Through mind
mapping the codes, I arrived to a first order analysis. The idea that there are several types of
ways of dividing work, care and spare time. According to Duynhoven types are a tool for
theorizing (Duynhoven 2010, p. 56). Types gave me the handles to identify a group of people
and take this as starting point for a second order analysis.
To dig deeper into the motivations of fathers I used discourse analysis. The approach of
Membership Categorization Analysis, gave me the tool to see, at micro-level, the building
blocks of our society. This gave me a better understanding of the tacit, taken-for-granted ideas
of the fathers about gender roles of ‘women’, ‘men’ and ‘fathers’. It did not only help me to
grasp the ongoing construction between social categories of ‘father’ and ‘man’ but also to
understand the activities or characteristics that people link to the categories such as ‘daddy
day’. The relations between categories and activities are central to the assumptions and
practices of, in the case of Smithson and Stokoe, gendering. The more invisible the
categorization the more powerful it is. Invisibility is connected to the taken-for-granted,
natural and common sense idea of the category. These invisible categories are ‘quiet centres
of power and persuasion’ (Baker in Smithson and Stokoe, 2005: 153). That invisibility of
categorization has such power is for the reason that when people are not aware of their
categorization, they unconsciously apply certain ideas on a person. MCA was thus used to see
how people construct and manage their behaviour in relation to the normalized expectations
for the predicates of ‘woman’ and ‘man’ and the activities that are connected. It made it easier
to see a pattern to which categories belong and to connect this pattern to theory. In this sense I
started to see connections between the tacit reasons that the fathers mentioned explicitly and
the explanations for doing tasks because they had the feeling they belonged to their
responsibilities since this was learned to them by nurture, partner and role model.
29
Furthermore, the approach of Taylor (2001) was used to search which patterns in society,
about male gender roles, exist in relation to division of work, care and spare time. This
approach was especially used on media. My purpose was to show social nature and historical
origins of the reasons why fathers ‘naturally’ divide the time and tasks like they do. I used this
approach to discover the implications of what the categorization ‘man’ and ‘father’ implies
(Taylor, 2001). By looking at texts, e.g. (news) articles and other media, I discovered how
texts form motivations for fathers for a division between work, care and spare time.
Finally, in analysing the results of the first order
analysis and discourse analysis a mind map was used
to bring this in relation with the theory. This helped
me to arrive to the idea that there are several powers,
visible, hegemonic and discursive powers, and time
dimensions imposing on the motivations of the fathers
for a certain division of time.
30
4
Research Results Typical fathers
This chapter describes how fathers momentarily divide their tasks with their partners and
others involved. In a first order analysis it seems that there are a couple of different types of
division models in society. Paragraph 4.1.1. till 4.1.7. describe with reference to the
motivations what kind of models the fathers used in their life. At first sight it seems these
different types are very different while from the motivations given by the fathers it can be
concluded that the motivations to choose for a certain model are all based on very similar
ideas. In paragraph 4.1.8. it is suggested that implicit choices, nurture, practical reason and
possibilities, their partner, individual choices and the stage in the life cycle are the main
motivations for fathers to choose for a model. Chapter 5 will go into detail how these different
motivations influence the division of tasks.
4.1
The Breadwinner
As mentioned before, the breadwinner model is historically typical for the Netherlands
(Merens et al., 2012). In this model, men work full-time. He is responsible for the income of
the household. While the partner, who is at home all day, is responsible for the household
tasks and taking care of the children and of relatives. The most distinctive reason to choose
for this model is that a conscious choice is made to raise the children with as little childcare as
possible. This choice is supported by the fact that they appreciated that their mother also was
at home when they were young. The women already worked less or not at all before having
children making it an easy choice for them to stay at home.
The partners of these men take a lot of responsibility for the household tasks and take care
of the children during the day. However, all fathers describe they take care of the children
when they are at home which they enjoy. But, they also feel their partners expect this
involvement when they are at home. Partners often express their tiredness and ask help from
the fathers.
What is really striking is that all of the respondents with a breadwinner model have a
partner which suffers from an illness, mostly mental, such as depression and borderline. This
illness is also underlying the decision for the mother to stay at home causing an impact on the
family life. Besides the impact can be noticed by the times illness presents itself. Fathers feel
these are moments when everything feels as their responsibility. Causing a lot of pressure
which sometimes leads to burn-outs and divorces.
31
The breadwinner model also has its financial implications since there is only one income. “It
is quite difficult that we are doing it this way. But it is a choice we made. And eh… yeah.. you
adjust your lifestyle to the money you have. Yeah we made that choice consciously, also the
amount of children… we considered if it was possible with our financial situation. But it
certainly has consequences for what we can do and what we can’t.” (Edwin). Financials were
more often mentioned during these interviews showing the pressure that a smaller budget has
on the motivation on the hours spend at work.
Motivations for fathers who implement this model are; the partner, nurture, financial
(practical reasons), and implicit choices regarding the decision which gender takes what role.
4.2
Irregular work
This type is characterized by the irregular working hours of both partners. The amount of
hours they work doesn’t really matter, what is most important here is that both partners work
irregular. This can be in the care-sector where shifts at night, early morning and late afternoon
are not uncommon. But it can also be a shift from early morning till early afternoon, one week
and early afternoon till evening the other.
Having changing working hours makes it difficult to make use of formal childcare since
childcare hours are fixed. Consequently they try to arrange their working hours in such a way
that one works when the other is at home, and the other way around. Partners try to ‘arrange it
together’ (Wouter). Despite the fact that this causes some difficulties they feel lucky that they
could arrange it this way (Jasper) since this leaves them much time with their children.
Besides at moments when they need childcare they can often make use of family members.
Observing the fact that both parents take care of the children, it might be expected that care
and household are shared in the same way. This, however, tends to be different per household.
Some fathers were fully responsible for all tasks where others were more responsible for the
occasional and tough jobs. Overall it could be noted that fathers felt that they were more
adventurous than their partners.
Stress was least suffered by this group of respondents since they feel they are often free
during a part of the day due to working during times which are least effective for other
people. This gives them space to take time for their children, sports, shopping and themselves
(Wouter & Jasper). Though the limitation of this model is that fathers miss time with their
partner (Jasper) while one is at work while the other is off and vice versa.
Motivations are here mostly effected by practical reasons, the partner, individual choices
and implicit choices.
32
4.3
1.5 earner model
In this model the father works a full-time job whereas the mother works part-time, often
around 24 hours a week. Not uncommon is that the mother works more hours throughout the
year to have more holiday time when the children do not have to go to school. Most of the
responsibility for structural care and household tasks lies with the mother while the
respondents are mainly responsible for income, occasional and tough jobs. Motivation for this
division is the competence that parents have to perform the tasks. Nevertheless men are really
willing to contribute. He contributes when he sees that something must be done, like vacuum
cleaning or putting clothes into the washing machine. However, for most fathers this did not
feel as their responsibility but as helping out their partners. Furthermore, when they are able
to work flexible hours, they often work one day a week at home and thus are able to work a
little bit more flexible during the week. So they can start later to bring their children to school,
or finish early to cook dinner. Catching up with work at other moments.
Division of tasks was never discussed between these partners, both picked up the tasks
which they can do best and feel most responsible for. Besides several fathers had help in the
household for about three hours a week. This help thoroughly cleans the house once a week so
the father and his partner have less structural household work to do. Fathers have the feeling
that their spare time is rare while directly adding that this is their own choice since they like to
be busy.
The motivations of this model lie mostly in the tacit reasons, the role of the partner in the
hours she works and the space she leaves for the fathers and practical reasons such as being
able to pay for a help.
4.4
Differently different
For this type only one respondent was found so conclusions are not quite objective. Yet, in
my opinion it is important to add this to the study since there are more people who have
atypical divisions of tasks and this could fit theirs as well.
The respondent is homosexual, and lives together with his partner. They are both
responsible for their own mess, such as laundry, and split the remaining tasks in two.
Although being partners they are not parents together. The father had children with a single
woman, since they both wanted to fulfil their wish for children.
Thus in this case the children are raised by more than two persons. Four days a week the
children live at the mothers place, two days a week at their fathers place and one day a week
33
they go to their care-mother who is involved with the children since their birth. The partner of
the father is not involved in the care. He knows the children since birth yet it was not his
decision to have children and he choose not to be involved as a caretaker. The different
parents, who all live close to each other, have their tasks and communicate regularly about the
children.
This division was a very conscious choice which often inflicts some resistance by people
they do not know. It is against most norms which causing also resistance by some of his
friends.
The second difference in this story is that one of the children lives in a special institute
because of his mental disability. The father collects him twice a week for a walk and dinner at
home. This disability asks for a different kind or care than is needed for the other child.
Practical reasons and possibilities are important when taking care of a disabled child.
4.5
Weekend Dad
This model is the first that describes a model a divorce. Weekend dads had a breadwinner
model before their divorce. They now see their children one weekend every two weeks since
this was the ‘normal’ way to do before the time of their divorce. Besides this division of work
and care was usual during their marriage. The children of various respondents lived quite far
away making it difficult to be involved in everyday life of the children.
Motivations for this model are mostly implicit. It has a practical link with the breadwinner
model.
4.6
Covenant ordered
There are fathers who would like to be more involved with their children than one
weekend every other week; only co-parenting is often not the wish of the mother. That is why
there is a ‘covenant’ settled in which the mother has the main responsibility of financials and
care. The times that children spend at the fathers place differs from arrangement to
arrangement. What they have in common is the fact that fathers are at home when their
children are at his place.
During their marriage this was different, the father worked while the mother had a parttime job. Household tasks were mostly the responsibility of the father. Child care was shared
or more taken care of by the mother. Ex-partners with this kind of arrangement think it very
important their children don’t suffer from the divorce. Although it could be noted that when
34
feelings about the ex-partner were a little bitter, partners were still on speaking terms about
the children.
These respondents get their motivations from their ex-partners wish, practical reasons and
possibilities and their individual choice.
4.7
Co-parenting
More and more people choose for co-parenting when getting a divorce (Quaegebeur 2014).
Respondents who choose this option were already very much focused on equal division of
tasks during their marriage. They worked part-time, took time off to be with the children, and
were actively involved in the household.
Often these fathers don’t know exactly what went wrong in their relationship (Bob) or they
had constantly discussion about the interpretation of tasks with their partner (Jean-Paul). They
are still on friendly terms with their ex-partner and live close to their ex-partner, at least for as
long as their children are at primary school. The welfare of the child was most important
during their divorce. “Co-parenting is only suited for people whom are able to award others.
It is not advised to share parenting if you are not able to do this.” (Jelle in Driessen, 2014:
32). Communication and awarding the ex-partner are very important for the basis of coparenting.
These parents feel they have more time, since they only have responsibility for their children
half the time. They could use more spare time, but they also like to be a little bit busy.
The strongest motivation of this model is individual choice for one respondent, while it
were tacit motivations combined with individual choice for the other. He was brought up with
parents with an equal division and saw that some gender-related norms were still embedded in
his marriage although he didn’t wanted to.
4.8
Motivations for the different models
From the models explained in the paragraphs above we can conclude that fathers have
different types of divisions between work, care and spare time. However, these types are all
influenced by the same kind of motivations. Applying these motivations differently causes a
difference in choice of model. The image below shows a diagram of the motivations versus
the model.
35
Breadwinner model
→
← Practical reasons, opportunity
Irregular model
→
← Implicit choices
1.5 earner model
→
← Nurture
Differently different
→
← Partner
Weekend dad
→
← Lifecycle stage
Covenant ordered
→
← Individual circumstances
Co-Parenting
→
1.1. schedule of the different models and motivations.
36
5
Analysis: Putting the Motivations in Perspective
This chapter will describe in detail how the motivations which were noticed in chapter 4
are formed through the different powers that are recognized in society as explained in chapter
2. First a connection will be made between visible power and the practical reasons fathers
described in the interviews by looking at the opportunities and barriers (5.1.). The second
paragraph 5.2. shows that many fathers have tacit reasons for their division of work, care and
spare time. In chapter 5.3. the tacit reasons which are formed by discursive power will be
discussed whereas in chapter 5.4. the tacit reasons regarding hegemonic power will be
discussed. Then in chapter 5.5 will be discussed how the stage in the lifecycle and aging cycle
effect the motivations of men. Finally, it is concluded that all the different powers influence
the motivations of men but the way and the extent to which it has influence depends on the
individual circumstances of the fathers (5.6).
5.1
Practical Reasons
As noted in chapter 4, practical reasons are very important for fathers when choosing for a
division between work, care and spare time. Pragmatism is influenced by visible structures of
society and culture making it easier to divide tasks in a certain way.
The government uses its power to stimulate mothers to become economic independent, and
for that reason they apply ‘childcare benefit’. This benefit supports parents with a lower
income in the costs of childcare. Some of the fathers made use of this benefit, not only for
professional care but also to pay for informal care.
“In the beginning we made use of the childcare allowance. It was for the one day in the week
that we got childcare from our parents. From the tax authorities, it was possible to receive a
fee. This made it possible to give a compensation to our parents. (..) That there was a fee to
obtain was just a bonus. We wanted to be there for the children. This was a very conscious
choice... I was at home one day a week, she was three days a week at home.” (Haris)
Although all the fathers with a working partner made use of the childcare benefit almost
none of them said that they took it into consideration when deciding on the amount of hours
worked. Suggesting that financial stimulation through childcare benefit does not cause more
paid working hours for mothers. The consideration for being at home for the children and the
drive of the mothers to have paid work tends to be of larger influence. In addition the way
37
childcare is organized tends to be a large issue for parents with young children since many of
the fathers mentioned how hard it was to find formal childcare that suited their needs.
“The childcare, was very badly organized which was the reason why we couldn’t make use of
[formal] childcare. A child is on the waiting list for years for a certain day.” (Ton)
“At formal child care it is really difficult. That is what got us stalled… You really had to
subscribe a long time in advance. That was certainly not flexible. Furthermore there was no
childcare possible during evenings and nights. Childcare was at that time very much focused
on office hours and on fixed rhythms. I hope that has changed now since that was far from
ideal. Also the host-parent was not a perfect solution. But luckily our host-mom was very
flexible…” (Bob)
Flexibility, the availability of childcare in the neighbourhood and the price of childcare are
obstacles which parents encounter. Especially fathers with a partner with an irregular job
mentioned this as a barrier for an equal division since their wife reduced their hours to be able
to care for the children. The choice for this division is almost never discussed (chapter 5.2).
Nevertheless some fathers said the choice was logical since he earned more than his wife did.
“I earned more than my wife, so that choice was easily made. She reduced her hours.”
(Haris)
Concluding, financials were a large motivation for the hours respondents spend on paid
work. Research shows that women increasingly earn more than their partner (CBS, 2014).
The question is if this will have implications on the division of tasks. The following quotes
show that financials have become a less important motivation to keep working full time.
“For some time I took parental leave, which was really nice, at that time I was home one day
a week." (Johan)
“Yes I took some parenting leave. At the government the gross/net was very conveniently
arranged. This was very nice to do.” (Bob)
These quotes show that the opportunity to take leave is genuinely accepted by the fathers
although financial motivation to quit working one day a week seem a lot larger then it is for
38
mothers to start working. Division of work life balance is deeper embedded in society then
just by practical decisions alone. There are also tacit reasons which keep inequalities alive.
The fact that financial income is more important for fathers while mothers attach more
value to being able to care for the children highlights the difficulty of altering the hegemonic
gender order in work and family by means of normative changes alone (Murgia & Poggio,
2013). Hegemonic power lies in the constant cloning of behaviour. Besides discursive power
keeps the idea of being a ‘good’ mother or ‘good’ father alive. Parents have the feeling they
have to live up to these ideas. The fact that the ‘good’ father is defined as providing their
family financially raises the weight of this implicit consideration (Higgins, Duxbury & Lee
1994; Ranson, 2012). Visible powers as financial motivations seem to have more underlying
powers influencing them. In chapter 5.3.1. more explanation will be given on the motivations
connected with visible power.
Concluding this paragraph, childcare support does not tend to have any visible power
(Foldy, 2002) over the division between partners. On the other hand, parental leave may have
this effect, but only when fathers have enough financial capacity for this.
5.2
That is not something you discuss… Tacit Reasons
“What do you want to know? Why we divided the tasks like this? That is just something you
don’t think about.” (Guillaume)
“We did not make any agreements about that. It was just that one did some things faster than
the other.” (Haris)
“We never made any agreements about that. We never said this is what I am going to do and
that is what you are going to do that. It is just a natural division of roles. We did not really
discuss it.” (Ton)
These are the typical first reactions which were given when explaining the fathers about
the subject of the research. They described that they did not have any spoken agreements on
the division of tasks, though mostly they started mentioning their most common tasks.
“My ex-wife did all the household tasks and I worked. That is not something we discussed, it
just came about.” (Kees)
“Tough and practical jobs were my responsibility since I was better at that.” (Bob)
39
During the interview fathers often started to become aware of the traditional patterns in the
division they had between their partners and themselves.
“Maybe a little traditional huh” (Haris)
“Recognizable?!” (Jasper)
Before this discussion both parties probably did not have any idea how affirmative their
division is to gender roles. The danger of this stereotypical division of tasks lies in the
negative effects on fathers, because their involvement as a father is being ‘blocked’ by the
choice of the mother to work less (Ruitenberg, 2014). This was also noticed by the fathers
themselves.
“I freelanced for a long time. When we got children I started searching for a fixed income.
This was the time my wife quit working for a year because she did not enjoy here job
anymore. She wanted to search for something that motivated her. This changed the situation
since she started to take more care of the children while I worked a lot! Sometimes up till 80
hours a week.” (Guillaume)
It seems fathers are less involved in care for children, they are quite satisfied with the
division of tasks. This is in line with research of Cloïn (2013) and Merens, Hartgers & Van
den Brakel (2012). The traditional division of tasks feels so natural and obvious that there was
no need to explicitly discuss and talk about it (Ruitenberg, 2014). This is exactly what is
meant with hegemonic power (chapter 2.3) which refers to cloning and reproducing of
common sense.
“Masculine chores for men. Feminine chores for women. *laughs* .. maybe I am saying a lot
now..” (Haris)
“Put the garbage outside, of course, that belongs to the chores of men. Ironing, women.”
(Wouter)
These traditional hierarchical assessments underlie the decisions that people take. There is
a clear hierarchical division in female and male tasks in the household (Doorten, 2008).
Additionally it must be noted that it is very important how value is given to certain tasks and
how meaning is given to the performance of these tasks.
40
“Division of tasks was no cause in our divorce. Although, what you do have, of course, is that
what one finds clean, is not necessarily clean to the other. So that can be a little difficult.
Yeah.. that is what I did notice during our marriage, that the other is difficult to change at
that point. (Bob)
“Mopping, that was my job. Now, one of the elements of the system of the relationship was…
that I was doing the mopping, but then she thought that I did not do it well enough. So she
started doing it again. At one point we even drew up a contract, who was going to do what
and how it had to be done.” (Jean-Paul)
The interpretation of tasks is just as important as the division of tasks. The fathers who
tried to divide it equally had more trouble with the interpretation of the tasks than the fathers
who divided it according to the ‘natural’, division. How is it that men feel more responsible
for some tasks whereas women have this feeling for other tasks? According to Duyvendak
and Stavenuiter cultural and direct environment play an evident role in the development of the
unconscious division (Duyvendak & Stavenuiter, 2004). Besides it is very important how the
father gives sense to the imposed norms by making personal choices (Duyvendak &
Stavenuiter, 2004). In the next chapters, attention will be given to the different surroundings
that influence the motivation of the fathers.
5.3
Cultural Context
The extent of the impact of the cultural context on the division of tasks can be understood
by the following quote.
“In Suriname the culture around the division of tasks is that women take care of the children
while men provide the money. In Dutch culture tasks are differently divided. I noticed this
very strongly when I came to the Netherlands. Nevertheless, I did not really adjust this since
at the time it was not something that suited me.” (Alwien)
“When we got children, I started helping out more often since this is something you are
supposed to do in the Netherlands.” (Saïd)
These fathers show us how the Dutch discourse on how men should behave shapes the
ideas on how to act. There was nobody who told these fathers how to act yet they felt what
was appropriate. The power of the thought of the masculine man lies in the unseen, the
41
underlying structures of society, it is everywhere, there are no visible victims and victors
(Foldy, 2002). This so called discursive power is kept in place by inequality regimes which
are ‘loosely interrelated’ practices, processes, actions and meanings that result in and maintain
gender inequalities (Acker, 2006: 443). The regimes are thus kept in place by production and
reproduction of actions, practices, processes and meanings of gender by many institutions and
persons contributing to society. It is very hard to step out of this way of thinking.
The discourses that shape the inequality regimes are formed through historical and cultural
context. As argued by Adams (2008) we can gain understanding of this ‘Zeitgeist’ by
observing the timescapes that are taking into account interaction and interrelations of different
‘modes’ of time. Time frame, timing, tempo and duration are taken into consideration to see
how processes are embedded in society.
Chapter 2.2 discussed the most important discourses in Dutch society that have great
impact on the behaviour of men. First men shape their identity to the idea of the ‘masculine
man’ (5.3.1.). Second when men become fathers they also have to comply to the idea of the
‘good’ father (5.3.2.). Besides men spend much of their time within the organization. They
have to confirm to the standards in their organization to be able to build a career. Paragraph
5.3.3. will discuss the effect of the organizational discourse on the motivations on work, care
and spare time.
5.3.1. Short History of Dutch Masculinity and Fathering
The idea that man have about how to be a ‘good’ man lies embedded in historical and
cultural context, making it important to understand how the idea of Dutch fathering evolved
over time. In the colonial time, fathers were expected to be involved as ‘moral overseers’
(Burnett, Gatrell, Cooper & Sparrow, 2013: 633). They kept distance from their offspring but
usually worked at home. They were not involved in raising the children and running the
household. As a consequence of the industrial revolution the role of the men and father in the
family changed. Male parenting was defined by being the main provider (Halfords, 2006:
386). The ‘breadwinner’, as he now was called, worked away from home, he was a distant
father who was not enough at home to be involved in family matters (Burnett et al., 2013:
633). Mothers on the other hand, stayed at home to take care of the children, elderly and the
household. Early 20th century a change could be noted again. Fathers became more involved
in the education of the children, they started getting involved in teaching children how to
be(come) (Burnett et al., 2013). Finally in the last couple of decades co-parenting is in the lift.
Fathers who, in response to increasing prominence of gender equality movements, shouldered
42
a greater proportion of childcare responsibilities (Burnett et al., 2013: 633). The time that
fathers spend on care increased, especially since the 1970’s. Nevertheless, the time that
women spend on care has become larger, whereas time spend on household tasks by men has
barely increased. Also women started entering the labour market plentiful (Huis, Verloo &
van der Haar, 2011). Still, real equal division of tasks is not yet often achieved. Traditional
patterns are still deeply rooted in Dutch society since the historical roles have been passed on
through generations by (tacit) re-production of existing roles (Ghorashi in van Hinsberg,
2013). To change your own vision, you have think critically as an individual to make your
own choices or whether you are reproducing existing roles. In the next chapters insight will be
given in the way historical and cultural embedded assumptions still influence the (tacit)
motivations of fathers for their division in work, care and spare time.
5.3.2. The Masculine Man
Before becoming a father, a man had to comply to the roles of the masculine man. A
visible institution that keeps the reproduction of ‘masculine man’ into place are media. Media
contribute to the (re-) production of inequality regimes of femininity and masculinity through
commercials. Masculinity – just as femininity – is not just a cultural but also a commercial
construction (Bervoets, 2014). Commercials often portray masculinity as sportive, active,
aggressive and there is little room for harmony (Bervoets, 2014). Examples of commerce
where this is shown are nivea vs. nivea for men, coca-cola light vs. zero, toys for girls vs. toys
for boys. It is not only commerce that (re)produces the discursive power, it is also shaped by
tv-shows, series, movies and magazines. Julien Althuisius (2014) describes in his article ‘Be a
Hero’ how masculinity is portrayed in series. The masculine man, the hero of the story, is
often loyal, tactless, humorous, full of confidence, sporty, eats meat and drinks beer or
whiskey and is very successful in his professional field. The untouchable, career obsessed,
tough men still seem to be honoured mostly. Whereas the caring, thoughtful man is less
portrayed.
43
Nevertheless series increasingly also picture fathers and caring man as leading actors. The
Dutch series ‘Kinderen geen bezwaar’ is a good example. Newspaper articles pay more
attention to the caring father in the media. Also in newspapers more and more articles can be
read about men who wish to become a father (Bregman, 2014; Driessen, 2014), the men who
like to stay at home for their children (Van Laar, 2013) and about the importance of leave for
fathers (Bervoets, 2014). But often these articles are accompanied by articles about how men
lost their masculinity in the feministic wave. This contradiction is understandable since
masculinity and femininity are shaped by the media as dichotomy which means it is shaped by
its contrast hinting that men should be the opposite of the women. Men have to become real
men again, and should not be responsible for care more than one day a week (Van den
Breemer & De Jong, 2014). To be a masculine man one has to be the opposite of a woman.
The above mentioned examples make clear that media play an important role in the process
of sensemaking and definition of specific gender roles (Duynhoven, 2010; Fairclough, 1995;
Weick et al., 2005). Visual images are powerful means to frame current events and so media
representations influence processes of sensemaking (Duynhoven, 2010: 46). Through the
repetition of certain images and quotes the media co-produce public discourses including
specific vocabularies that are subsequently adopted and spreaded by individual actors.
Through the discursive construction of media they can contribute to the normalization of the
aggressive, sportive masculine role (Hoskins in Duynhoven, 2010). However, it can also
promote the caring father through use of fathers in series, movies and articles. The discourse
on the masculine man, forms fathers sensemaking of their own situation and role to take in
life.
“Helping out on the sports club, yes that is something I have done more. I gave [soccer]
training and was coordinator of the mini’s. Additionally, I have been coach at a soccer club.”
(Joop)
Concluding; daily public discourse is filled with the constant (re)construction of
masculinity. Through e.g. media the respondents give sense to the normal masculine man.
Nevertheless, more and more space is given to the more caring man. Initiatives, such as the
photograph of Rob Philip on the front-page who pays much attention to the new father, are
encouraging fathers to change their division by trying to alter the discursive power.
44
5.3.3. The ‘Good’ Father
When starting the research special attention was paid to the division of work, care and
spare time from the perspective of the masculine gender role. However, during the process it
was found that fathering has a great impact on the way fathers look at their division of work,
care and spare time. Father is something you become, it changes the identity of a person and
stays for the rest of your life.
The cultural idea of the ‘father’ changes over time. Whereas the role of the father was
earlier mainly seen as the breadwinner while not being really involved in the raising of the
children this has changed during the last decades. Not only it became accepted that men
became involved in the care for the children but the current, dominant thought in society
became that fathers have to contribute in the care and upbringing of children (Kalmijn, 2002).
Ideas about how much time men and women have to spend on care became more equal. Men
and women have ambivalent feelings about their role in the family. They would like to have
an equal role on the one side, but feel more responsible for the more traditional gender
specific tasks (Wiesmann, 2010). Connected to this thought; half of the Dutch men and a
quarter of the Dutch women think that the mother is more suited to care for the children than
men (SCP/CBS, 2010: 13). This idea is slowly changing by the thought that the father has a
different role. They offer something that the mother cannot give the children. Tavecchio and
Bos argue that the father is equally irreplaceable as the mother in the process of raising
children since they complement the mother in the ideas on how to raise the children
(Tavecchio & Bos, 2011). The unique role of the father can be characterized by games,
challenge, exploring, taking risks and the encouragement of autonomy later in life, by
supporting the child in the transition to live on its own. This discourse of difference is very
dominant in the idea of the respondents.
“Yeah, I guess that is why it is important to have a man and a woman in the family A woman
is more strict, and a man is more relaxed. Not that I'm not involved in raising the children,
because I did do a lot with them, I was not just a fun dad. I was there too, but I was a little
more relaxed. They are allowed a little more. I do not nag when they are dirty. It's just
different with me. I think that a man and woman compensate each other well within a family.
As it should. (...) I think it's important that they have both parents. The toughness, ease and
kidding of father against the silly punishments of the mother. That belongs to a family life. So
you should not take that away." (Wouter).
45
The father and mother each have their own role within the family. The role of mothers
revolves more around the emotional side of the care. They are more eager to know how
children are doing mentally (Calasanti & King, 2007) as a result they spend more time on
things as talking, and doing things. Men often see this as little intrusive and exhausting.
“She needs to be in the loop. She wants to know how the relationships are formed within the
class.. She tries to control the risk that something goes wrong with our children” (Ton)
The fathers feel they are exploring more of the world together with their children and
exploring the world themselves while the mother takes on most of the regular care and is
more protective.
“I think I am a real active father. That is not the way my wife functions. I take the children to
all kinds of places across the country. My wife is more of the structural activities.” (Jasper)
The findings confirm the tasks expected from fathers in the difference discourse. That
leads to the expectations about which partner is better at certain tasks than the other which as
a result leads to increasing differences in the allocation of tasks (Doorten, 2008). Doorten
(2008) as well as Duindam and Stavenuiter (2002) assume that a larger consciousness
regarding this gender reproductive process will lead to a more equal distribution of tasks that
reduces the number of implicit decisions.
5.3.4. Fathers in the organization
“It is not that easy for me to get free from work if something suddenly happens at home”
(Edwin)
“I work in shifts, this makes it hard to take time off. Then somebody else has to take my shift.
Logistics just keep on going 24 hours a day. (..)At my previous job I didn’t have to work in the
weekends. In this business you just have to. It is as simple as that.” (Kees)
These stories were mostly heard from people who practice lower-educated jobs. The norm
in these organization still seem to circle around the old ideas of the disembodied worker
(Benschop & Doorewaard, 1998). The disembodied worker is the objective idea of what an
ideal worker should look like. (Acker, 1990). The disembodied, ideal worker is seen as the
46
full-time available, never ill, white man who prioritizes work over anything else. Since the
ideal worker is objectified, it is seen as an appearance of neutrality and impersonality, it
conceals class, racial and gender subtexts (Smith in Benschop & Doorewaard 1998: 788).
This means that this norm of the ideal worker leaves no room for fatherhood in the
organization. This was also noticed by these respondents.
Times are changing. Technology has made it possible to work from home leading to
flexibility in the use of time and space. In organizations were it was possible to work flexible,
working hours increased while these men were also more at home for the children.
“I was always able to use my time flexible. As long as I kept getting my targets I was often
able to work from home.” (Joop)
“It was never difficult for me to take time off if a child was ill. It was always possible to leave
early from work as long as you catch up another time. There is an understanding that
children go before work. But that is a luxury in this kind of situations. I’m well aware of
this..” (Ton)
In this way fathers can combine care and work more easily. Times are becoming more
overlapping. Obligatory and non-obligatory times are starting to move. It becomes more and
more doubtable what is spare time and what is not. This is due to flexible working times
(SER, 2011; Wouters, 2011; Asscher, 2013). Hence, this also has its consequences since time
problems are more and more seen as the problem of the individual (Smithson and Stokoe,
2005). It is assumed that every individual has equal opportunities as long as one strives hard
for it. This does not take power and structural inequalities in account. As is noted flexible
working times are not available to everyone (Atria, 2013). Furthermore, although it became
easier to work flexible hours for others. They often still solved their time management
problems with a 1.5 earners model where the women work part-time. This signifies that there
are other powers and structural inequalities that keep inequalities alive.
5.4. The Direct Environment
The second influence which often unconsciously effects the motivations of fathers are the
direct environments. Remarks of friends, nurture and role models within the family are
effecting the decisions that fathers take (Duyvendak & Stavenuiter, 2004) since they have
defined the ‘normal’ and the common sense. This power that lies within the definition of
‘normal’ within a group is called hegemonic power. Hegemonic power is manifested in
47
society by three paradigms (Benschop & Doorewaard, 1998). First the processes of meaning
formation. Second the (non) verbal expressions of common sense, identification, consensus
and legitimizing rationalities. These two paradigms will be discussed in relation to the Role
Model.
The last paradigm which shows how hegemonic processes (re) produce consent or
compliance with the dominant discourse and the acceptance of day-to-day practices, in spite
of the possible disadvantages of these practices of some persons involved will be related with
the space the partner gives the father to take on other tasks. This relates to the option men
have to care and work (Duyvendak &Stavenuiter, 2004) which affects their motivations to
take on tasks defined by society as feminine.
5.4.1. The Role Model
The first paradigm is the process that influence the meaning formation. The meaning of the
fathers involved where influenced by multiple processes. First of all their situation during
their own nurturing was very important. Many men describe how their situation at home
caused them to make decisions about their situation later in life. First of all many described
how they liked it that there mother was at home after they came home from school and that
they wished this as well for their children.
“Yeah that choice is rooted in the division our parents had. I always enjoyed that my mother
was at home. Being a latchkey child seemed very tedious to me. The idea of coming home
when no one is there seemed lonesome. We didn’t want that for our children. ” (Edwin)
“My mother didn’t work which I have always liked a lot. So we also wanted that somebody
was at home for the children” (Joop)
Others described how their parents also tried to divide tasks equally. And how this taught
them all kind of different tasks.
“Yeah my parents had more or less the same division. They both worked the same amount of
hours and had a good division of who did what kind of tasks” (Bob)
“My father wished to be a very emancipated man, yet he did not always succeed. He was
really the breadwinner of the family. However, my father learned to cook from my father, he
taught me to sew, how to iron so.. you see.. he did a lot in the household and care.. And in the
48
weekend and at large happenings such as Christmas he always made dinner. So actually he
was not really that traditional." (Guillaume)
Finally one father described how the traditional way in which tasks where divided in the
house he grew up caused him to exactly choose the opposite since he felt this was not the way
to do it. He felt very much how masculinity rules the world and he feels more love should
exist between partners.
“I am from an orthodox catholic family. It was a real eye-opener when I saw how different it
could be. From the idea of love instead to the idea of order.” (Jean-Paul)
Nevertheless, it is not only family and the surrounding of the fathers that has its influence
on the motivations of men. Friends and acquaintances also play a role in the acceptance of
men to care for their children and to help out in the household. Going with the flow of
common sense, identification and consensus with friends and legitimizing rationalities play an
important part in making it easier to choose for a certain balance between work, care,
household and spare time.
“Most of our close friends had the same approach. The men tried to keep their testosterone
within limits. They also tried to arrange their division through dialogue. The ties with other
friend faded since you are searching for like-minded people.” (Jean-Paul)
“People used to, especially back in the days when I paid more attention to it, divide it fairly in
the same way as we did. Friends of mine also used to pick up their children from school. I
saw a little bit more women than men in the schoolyard still there were also many men. That
is a place where emancipation has struck as well.. luckily.” (Joop)
“In our neighbourhood almost all women stay home for the children.” (Edwin)
Still there were some fathers who wanted to do it differently and didn’t comply with the
common sense of the neighbourhood. They noticed that they had to resist to the common
sense.
"I was often the only father at school when picking up and dropping the children. It is still
quite religious here which is quite noticeable. So I see we are really doing it in a different way
than others around here.. Also our friends divide it very traditional. Mostly the wife stays at
home. Some of friends of our age are a little more progressive, these women work maximum
49
12 to 16 hours a week. The men are really breadwinners. My wife works at least 24 hours.
And I work 32 hours instead of full time. Nobody has ever said anything about. Either positive
or negative. I think that they question our division, but they never said anything. " (Jasper)
“Friends who work in the financial sector are really macho. They put down a strong feeling
of he.. I’m busy, I want to get a rest a now, I have more things to do tonight. I do not really
have the impression that these friends have made arrangements, but just a different
distribution pattern has emerged here. I do get comments from them like "gosh you always
cook" so it is noticeable that it is different than their division. It does not sound insulting, it is
just different." (Ton)
“Some people do not understand how we divide tasks. They think it is a little special that you
both work the same amount of hours. These are often more traditional people, but it is both
men and women who say that. Also co-parenting is not common for everyone. Many men think
that being a weekend-dad is fine for them. But also some of my female friends find it weird
that we choose for this option.” (Bob)
The environments and the fathers both notice that the division is different from what is
common this is expressed through both verbal and non-verbal reactions. These fathers are not
always able to identify themselves with their surroundings and need to seek other ways to get
consensus. The strength to carry on is gotten through other friends, through their partner and
through their own choice. How important the role of the partner is, is expressed in the next
paragraph.
5.4.2. The Partner
As mentioned before there is increasing equality in the household. There is emancipation
in large decisions such as moving and the amount of hours spend on paid work. However
what is less discussed are the small tasks such as vacuum cleaning, doing the dishes or the
laundry (Doorten, 2008). From earlier research of Wiesman we know that people would like
to divide their tasks equal on the one side but feel more responsible for traditional gender
tasks on the other side (Wiesman in Huis et al., 2011). It is difficult to change behaviour that
feels natural. This has two effects; on the one side men do not really have to take on tasks that
are labelled as feminine tasks since their wife just takes on these tasks.
50
[When talking about cleaning.]. “My wife doesn’t mind.. she likes it. Well.. actually.. I don’t
know if she likes it. But she does it anyway. We never discussed it. I don’t think that there is
any women who likes it but.. that’s just part of life, right.”(Pieter)
"My wife was working 32 hours at that time and then I was like, you know, that is fine I will
become more of a houseman and work 24 hours a week. I think I have kept up with this for
half a year. But I started freaking out. I'm not a babies kind of men, I think children are nice
from the age of two. That is why, at some point, we switched roles.” (Jasper)
Women take on tasks labelled as feminine without mourning because they feel it is their
responsibility to take care of it. On the other hand, when fathers wanted to take on certain
tasks, they sometimes come across a brick wall because the mothers had difficulty gaining
distance from the task.
“What did happen was that when I was the one doing the cooking, my wife started interfering
by claiming all the pans and spoons little by little. This seems a little a woman’s thing to do
because when I'm visiting friends or relatives they do the same thing. They also suddenly are
stirring in pans etcetera.. I find that so very special.” (Bob)
For women it is difficult to let go her own tasks since it is embedded in the hegemonic
power of the role of women. They are being judged by the fact that they let their men do
feminine chores while the men rises in esteem when he does feminine chores. The fact that
women have to fight against this norm as well has its downsides for fathers since this can
have negative effects on men’s wish to be able to contribute in raising their children.
“Yeah, I liked that we have divided it that way. I would have liked to be a little bit more
involved in caring for the children. The reason I did not do this was because my wife found it
difficult to let go of things after she had been home for year due to her pregnancies. For
example, she already cooked dinner before she went to work, so I did not had to cook. And
that was very sweet of her, but it was a very stubborn pattern to get rid of. I found that very
difficult. Of course she had her own mother as an example. But it is remarkable, also with
friends, that women keep doing stuff, making coffee, pouring tea, getting snacks etcetera while
the men are nicely settled on the couch.” (Bob)
51
The role of the partner and the support they give towards fathers taking on tasks considered
feminine is very important. Tolerance and respect for making mistakes encourage men to
help out (Duyvendak & Stavenuiter, 2004). Women and men must be conscious of their own
role and their own (re) production of compliance with the dominant discourse and the
acceptance of day-to-day practices because reproducing practices can disadvantage others
involved (Benschop &Doorewaard, 1998). In this case fathers are disadvantaged in their wish
to care and help out in the household while mothers are disadvantaged in their time spend on
paid work by the reluctance of fathers to help out in care and household.
5.5. Lifecycle
Just like society the identity of people is flexible and changes throughout the years. Taking
time in consideration gives a dimension to the motivations not covered yet. Through both
aging and life cycle change the norms and values, social economic status and social
integration of a person (Blauw, Daru, Hanzon & Hetem, 2011; Kalmijn, 2002). Life cycle is
defined as a sequence of life stages where each stage is inaugurated by a discrete change in
household and family relationships that people have.
Well-known transitions are: leaving home, living together, having children, divorce,
retirement and death of the partner. Divorce is becoming more common, therefore,
increasingly more and more people go through different phases, including remarriage.
Transition effects are different of age effects which are determined by obtaining more insight
over the years (Kalmijn, 2002).
During the interviews the change in the life of the fathers after having children was
intensively discussed. Having children caused a change in spare time and work. They changed
the work they did and started spending their time differently and more around the life of the
children.
“Voluntary work is something that has decreased a lot since we got children. On the moment
I am not doing anything, and what I did before was always related to the children.” (Ton)
“I freelanced a for long time. When we got children I started searching for a steady job. My
wife quit her job at that moment since she didn’t like it anymore and she wanted to search for
something she enjoyed. That changed the situation because of course from that moment she
was more responsible for the care of the children. While I worked a lot at a start-up,
sometimes around 80 hours a week.” (Guillaume)
52
“When the children where around 4/5 years old I quite working abroad since I noticed they
did not like it.” (Pieter)
What is really striking is that the division of household barely changed after getting children.
“There is not really a difference in the household tasks between what we did before and after
having children.” (multiple interviews e.g.. 5, 6,7,8)
The amount of hours both parents work is of much more influence on the division of tasks
than is getting children.
“Remarkable, the way that it all remained the same. I guess this is due to the fact that we
always took care of the children together. Yeah you will notice that it has something to do
with that. And that we both kept our paid work.” (Jasper).
Thus transition in life by getting children does not have much influence on the division of
household tasks. This could be because of habit since they feel more responsible for the more
traditional gender specific tasks (Wiesman, 2010). Nevertheless, fathers do say that their life
changed a lot when they got children. What changes is that a whole lot of new tasks emerged
in the life of the fathers. They needed to carry more different responsibilities at the same time
and therefore have to divide their time better over paid work, housekeeping care and other
activities.
What was noticed by the fathers whose children are all at high school or older, is that life
changes all the time. The tasks involving childcare differ per age and ask for different
investments of time. While babies need their diapers changed their teenage children need to
be picked up from a party at 2 o’clock at night or need help with their homework. This change
in age of the children also brings change to the schedule of the father. Furthermore it asks for
a different ‘emotional labour’.
“Above 16 I told my boys, I am not your father anymore, I am your friend. From then on I just
advised them. I quit telling them what to do.” (Saïd)
53
Furthermore a large transition was noticed by the fathers who got divorced. They notice
that a different investment is time was needed. The co-fathers explained how they got plenty
of time one week, but wanted to put everything aside when the children are at his place.
“If the children are at my place I really want to be there for them. I mostly do not really meet
with friends during this week. That is sometimes a little strange for them, that I have a lot of
time one week while the other I am not really available.” (Bob)
Transitions and aging are thus of great importance to sense of time. Transitions such as
living together, getting a baby and divorce are quite abrupt changes in one’s life. The aging
changes of the fathers themselves but also of their children are less abrupt but cause slow
changes in the time spending of the father. What was striking is that the amount of hours
fathers spend on paid work is of greater influence on the time they spend on care and
household then that transition of children is of any influence. Herewith I would like to suggest
to add changes in the amount of hours spend on paid work, or job changes to the curriculum
of transitions since this has an enormous effect on the household, care and other activities.
5.6. Individual Circumstances
“I remember that I used to think; when I’m having kids later, I will become volunteer at the
nursery home and let the elderly enjoy the liveliness of my children. Yet I never got around
doing that. Everyone had its own thing and that consumed all our time.” (interview 8)
This quote shows that what men find suitable for others, or thought would be suitable for
them, does not always seem so suitable in the end (Ruitenberg, 2014). Motivations are thus
not only influenced by different powers and the personal choice of the father but is adjusted to
the situation and what is suitable in that stage of life.
The interpretation of powers is dependent on the individual circumstances of the fathers.
Education, health, financial possibilities, choice of partner, employer, transition in life,
amount of children, environment, all contribute to the opportunities one has and the meaning
one gives to these opportunities and powers. These individual circumstances cause that
individuals choose for different models to divide work, care and spare time.
The demonstrated powers and influences on the motivations for a task division model can
help the government to encourage fathers to reconsider their current division and divide tasks
more equal between partners to avoid and to be able to be more involved in society.
54
6.
Conclusion and discussion
6.1.
Conclusion
The increasing stress-levels of especially parents ask for a change in task-division.
Currently tasks of care and work are unequally divided between men and women. Lots of
research is already done on inequality from the perspective of mothers. Nevertheless fathers
are still underexposed in researches on work-life balance. In order to understand how a
difference in task-division for fathers should be approached, an answer to the question “Which
motives do Dutch fathers have when making (implicit) choices regarding work, care and
spare time?” was gotten. This was done through sixteen photo-elicitation interviews (chapter
3.2.2.) with a diverse group of fathers.
When we include diversity and lifecycle transitions in the research it was noticed that it is
not only the breadwinner model, the 1.5 earner model and the equality approach that are
divisions between partners. Also the irregular working hours should be taken into account
since this gives other opportunities. Besides we should be aware of the fact that partners in
care do not always live together which reasons for extra types as differently different,
weekend-dad, covenant ordered and co-parenting. Although these models seem very different
at first sight, the motivations all stem from the same kind of reasons (chapter 4). There tend to
be six different kinds of motivations: practical reasons, implicit reasons, nurture, partner,
individual choice and lifecycle stage. These reasons are formed by different visible and
invisible powers (Benschop & Doorewaard, 1998; Bauman, 2000; Foldy, 2002).
Practical reasons are formed by the visible powers in society. The respondents especially
mentioned availability of childcare and financial motivations as practical reasons. When
childcare is not available this tends to have an effect on the amount of hours worked by
mothers since they often feel mostly responsible for childcare. Financials on the other hand
have more implications for the amount of hours fathers spend on paid work. The respondents
indicated in chapter 5.1. that they would like to work less hours a week if this would not have
any implications on their financial situation. Legislation sometimes seems to miss its goal
since it does not take underlying assumptions of what a ‘father’ has to mean for his family
into account.
Implicit reasons are shaped by discursive power which is the invisible power of thoughts,
actions and discourses that shape the dominant ideas in society (Foldy, 2002 in chapter 5.3).
With reference to; the slowly changing discourse from dichotomy towards equality discourse,
which is seen in the media, the difference discourse that tends to shape the ideas about the
55
‘good’ father and the diversity discourse which seems the main discourse in organizations, it
is explained that the cultural context, which is formed through historical context, shapes the
motivations of the fathers. Through these different discourses it came to my attention that
there is a big difference in the cultural idea between a ‘man’ and a ‘father’. A man is supposed
to be tough and protective whereas increasingly it is expected of fathers to be involved in
daily care as well. Moreover it is expected of the father to be financially responsible for the
family. These are paradoxes fathers have to deal with. The difference discourse helps fathers
to deal with the combination of tough and caring. Media attention to leave for fathers and
parents make the ‘daddy day’ more accepted. Furthermore flexible working gives fathers
opportunities to juggle with financial responsibility and care. However it must be noted that
this is by far not available to everyone. Different availability of flexible work, discourses
within the organization and difference in interpretation of the various discourses and cause a
difference in work-life balance model. Some give more attention to the caring fathers, others
stick more to the idea of masculine man. In both ways, discursive power influences the
motivations for a task division.
Also nurture and the partner are invisible powers that shape the motivations of the fathers.
Yet, these are formed by hegemonic power which lies in the traditional hierarchical structures,
in the identification with and re-production of these structures (Benschop & Doorewaard,
1998; Foldy, 2002 in chapter 5.4). Nurture forms the structure for many fathers whom often
appoint the division of tasks between their parents as an example, positive or negative,
implying that it forms the basic ideas on what a ‘father’ and a ‘mother’ are supposed to do.
The partner, who is also influenced by nurture has her own implications on what her role is
within the household which will sometimes be performed in a way that no space is left for the
father to take tasks. Hegemonic power structures are thus formed by the history of the father
and the history of their partner. These form the tacit, difficult to change, structures of which
divisions who are based on ‘natural’ divisions are formed.
Lifecycle stages and aging are considered important on the motivations of the fathers.
These motivations are mostly not explicitly mentioned by the respondents since these are
progressive changes that are not noticed and feel as a fact of life (chapter 5.5). However they
came to my attention since married, divorced and remarried fathers had different life stories,
besides fathers with young children (of which the eldest was 10) had very different
perspectives on life than fathers of which the youngest was 17. It was noticed that these
changes have strong implications on the division of tasks. I took this perspective as a cross
56
sectional view, every stage in life or age has its own dynamics and embeds the power
differently which asks for an adjustment of the division of tasks.
Finally, I come to the conclusion that practical reasons and individual circumstances thus
form the preconditions of motivations. Illness of partner has different implications on the
opportunities and availability of living up to powers than a double income family has. The
different powers are influencing the completion of these preconditions. By making fathers
aware of the powers that influence their division they can be more critical about their own
choices and their re-production of existing roles. Critical thinking is necessary to be able to
change our behaviour, especially in times when we believe that everyone is accountable for
their own choices and individual actions will have larger implications.
6 types of motivations
Powers/Influences
Are formed through
7 types of models
Practical reasons
Visible power
Childcare, Wages
Breadwinner model
Implicit choices
Discursive power
Media, Flexible work,
Fathering.
Irregular model
Nurture
→
Partner
Hegemonic power
→ Role models
→ 1.5 earner model
Partner
Differently different
Lifecycle stage
Time
Divorce, Age, Children
moving out.
Weekend dad
Individual
Individual choice
Illness, education,
Covenant ordered
1.2 Schedule of the different models, motivations and powers.
6.2.
Discussion
The goal of this research was to contribute to organizational sciences by giving insight in
the way fathers choose for a certain organization of work, care and spare time this in order to
be able to theorize about the powers that influence the motivations of fathers to choose for a
division of work, care and spare time which often leads to unequal division of tasks between
partners. During the thesis the different powers sometimes seem to be very separate. This was
done to provide some clarity of the different powers. Nevertheless, in real life, powers are
more nuanced since they interact with each other as well as overlap at some stages. This is not
often pointed out during the thesis.
In addition to the different powers that influence the motivation of fathers it is suggested
that lifecycle and aging processes are important factors that alter the individual circumstances
of the father. During the interviews it was especially noticed that when a man becomes a
father his whole attitude changes. Care is not just changing diapers, it is worrying, helping
57
and loving. This never stops. Nevertheless, the form of care changes. While babies need help
changing and eating, teenagers need a listening ear and encouragement. Although it is both
care, it is totally different. Besides time also has its effect on different transitions in life:
living together, getting children, children moving out, sharing care with others, divorce, remarriage are all effecting the organization of work, care and spare time. In this research I tried
to give attention to the role time has on life by explaining the different types of transitions and
putting focus on the changing need of care which one day might turn around. Then the
children take care of the parents. Nevertheless in my opinion more could be learned about the
dynamics and organization of every life stage and age. Recommendation for future research
would thus be to take life-stage and aging as starting point, then focussing on the transitions
of organization that occur in the life of the respondents.
Then, I feel need to point to the fact that there was only one homosexual respondent in the
research. In my opinion this is a lack of diversity, it would be better if more research would be
done the motivations and opportunities that LGBT3 parents have for organizing their worklife balance. Since this one example suggested that it might be different from straight couples
since more people are involved.
Also, I would like to state that while writing the thesis I made the choice not to include the
participative tasks that fathers are currently doing for others since it did not have any impact
on the motivations for organizing their time because participation task are often small and
very irregularly performed. However, I do wish to add that it could be noted from the
interviews that fathers were motivated to help others when asked. The need for considerately
offering help was often not noticed by the fathers who mentioned that their partners were
better at that. Nevertheless, to fully understand the impact of the participation society, and to
be able to see if stress levels did rise, I would recommend research about the way time
nowadays is spent on social, participation tasks.
Finally, I wish to name the fact that this thesis was especially written from a political,
theoretical and practical point of view to be able to change the division of tasks. But as was
noticed in chapter 5.2, most fathers are satisfied with their division of task. Which leads us to
the point that we must question ourselves: Why would fathers make any change at all if they
do not feel the need? How could fathers themselves be motivated to change their motivations?
I would recommend this as following research.
3
LGBT = Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transexual.
58
Reference list
Acker, J. (2006). Inequality regimes: Gender, class, and race in organizations. Gender &
Society, 20(4), 441-464.
Adam, B. (2008). Of timescapes futurescapes and timeprints. Lüneburg University.
Althuisius, J. (2014). Wees een held. Volkskrant magazine.
Asscher, L. (2013). Blijven stressen of werk en zorg beter verdelen? Trouw,
http://www.trouw.nl/tr/nl/4492/Nederland/article/detail/3546724/2013/11/18/Blijvenstressen-of-werk-en-zorg-beter-verdelen.dhtml
Asscher, L. (2013). Brief tweede kamer: Hoofdlijnen aanpak psychosociale
arbeidsbelasting. The Hague: Ministry SZW
Atria (2012). Cijfers: Tijdsbesteding. Amsterdam: Atria.
Bemmel, van, N. (2014). Druktemakers. Volkskrant magazine.
Benschop, Y., Doorewaard, H. (1998). Covered by equality: The gender subtext of
organizations. Organization Studies, 19(5), 787-807.
Bervoets. (2014). Column 24 mei. Volkskrant magazine.
Boeije, H. (2010). Analysis in Qualitative Research. London: Sage.
Blauw, W., Daru, S., Hanzon, C., Hetem, R. (2011). Levensloop en Vrijwilligerswerk.
Utrecht: Movisie
Bolwijn, M. (2014). De vrouw verdient steeds vaker meer geld dan haar partner. De
Volkskrant.
Breemer, van den, A., Jong, de, L. (2014). De kwestie M/V. Volkskrant magazine.
Bregman, R. (February 2014). Zo krijg je mannen achter het aanrecht. De correspondent.
https://decorrespondent.nl/685/zo-krijg-je-mannen-achter-het-aanrecht/26334825-a492b4c6
Ten Broeke, A. (4 January 2014). Je bent toch geen meisje?, De Volkskrant.
Burnett, S.B., Gatrell, C.J., Cooper C.L., Sparrow, P. (2013). Fathers at Work: A Ghost in the
Organizational Machine. Gender, Work and Organization. Vol. 20(6), 632-644
Calasanti and King (2007). Taking ‘Women's Work’ ‘Like a Man’: Husbands' Experiences of
Care Work, The Gerontologist. Vol. 47 (4), 516-527.
CBS. (2014). Vrouw heeft steeds vaker een hoger inkomen dan haar partner. Retrieved June,
16,
2014,
from
http://www.cbs.nl/nl-NL/menu/themas/inkomen-
bestedingen/publicaties/artikelen/archief/2014/2014-4054-wm.htm
Clark Ibáñez , M. (2004) Framing the Social World with Photo-Elicitation Interviews.
American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 47 (12) , 1507-1527.
Cloïn M., Bierings H. (2012). De combinatie van betaalde arbeid en zorgtaken. In
59
Merens, A., Hartgers, M., Van den Brakel, M. (2012). Emancipatiemonitor. The Hague:
SCP.
Cloïn, M. (2013). Met het oog op tijd, een blik op de tijdsbesteding van Nederlanders. The
Hague: SCP.
DeWalt, K.M., DeWalt, B.R. (2011). Informal Interviewing in Participant Observation, in
Participant observation, a guide for fielworkers (Second edition). Plymouth: Altamira
Press.
Dona Daria. (2014). Expertmeeting Vaderschap en Opvoeding. Retrieved June, 20, 2014,
from http://donadaria.nl/agenda/save-the-date-expertmeeting-vaderschap-opvoeding/
Doorten, I. (2008). The division of unpaid work in the household: a stubborn pattern?,
Dissertation, Universiteit Utrecht, Utrecht.
Driessen, N. (2014). Geboren Vaders. Volkskrant magazine
Duijnhoven, Hanneke (2010) For Security Reasons. Narratives about Security Practices and
Organizational Change in the Dutch and Spanish Railway Sector. Amsterdam: VU
University Press.
Duindam, V.P.J. & Spruijt, A.P. (2002). The Reproduction of Fathering. Feminism &
Psychology, 12(1), -34.
Duyvendak, J.W., Stavenuiter, M. (2004). Working Fathers, Caring Men. Reconciliation of
working life and family life. Utrecht: Verwey-Jonker instituut. ISBN-90-5830-158-3
Emslie, C., Hunt, K. (2009). ‘Live to Work’ or ‘Work to Live’? A Qualitative study of
Gender and Work-Life Balance among Men and Women in Mid-life. Gender, Work and
Organization. Vol. 16(1). 151-172
Essed, P. (2002). Cloning cultural homogeneity while talking diversity: Old wine in new
bottles in Dutch work organizations? Transforming Anthropology, Vol.11(1), 2-12.
Fairclough, N., Wodak, R. (1997). ‘Critical discourse analysis’. In T. van Dijk (ed.):
Discourse Studies: A Multidisciplinary Introduction (vol.2). London: Sage, pp. 258284.
Foldy, Erica Gabriella (2002). Managing diversity: Identity and power in organizations. In:
Aaltio, Iiris & Albert J. Mills (eds.) Gender, Identity and the Culture of Organizations.
London & New York: Routledge, pp. 92-112.
Foucault, M. (1972). The archaeology of knowledge. New York: Pantheon Books.
Gherardi , S., Poggio, B. (2001) Creating and recreating gender order in organizations. Journal
of World Business. Vol. 36(3), 245-259.
Ghorashi, H. (2007). The Paradoxes of Cultural Diversity within Organizations. The
60
International Journal of Diversity in Organizations, Communities & Nations. Vol.7(5):
223-229.
Ghorashi, H. & I. Sabelis (2013). Juggling Difference and sameness: rethinking management
of diversity in organizations. Scandinavian Journal of Management. Vol.29(1): 78-86.
Groot-Wassink, R. (2008). Manifest Papaplus, Retrieved december 9, 2013, from
http://home.fnv.nl/2008/actueel/Manifest_Papaplus.pdf
De Gruijter, M., van den Toorn, J. (2013). Luxepositie of buitenspel: Vrouwen zonder werk of
uitkering. Utrecht: Verwey-Jonker instituut.
Halford, S. (2006). Collapsing the boundaries? Fatherhood, Organization and Home-Working.
Gender, Work and Organization. Vol13(4), p. 383-402
Haverkort, C., Spruijt, E. (2012). Kinderen uit Nieuwe Gezinnen. Tielt:Lannoo
Hermanowicz, J.C. (2002). The Great Interview: 25 Strategies for Studying People in Bed.
Qualitative Sociology. Vol. 25(4), 479-499.
Hinsberg, A. van (2013). Worden mannen overbodig? Een interview met hoogleraar Halleh
Ghorashi, lid van de Raad van Toezicht van MOVISIE, retrieved November 20, 2013,
from http://www.movisie.nl/artikel/worden-mannen-overbodig
Hinsberg. A. van (2014). Het Nieuwe Verdelen. Movisie,
http://www.movisie.nl/artikel/tijd-nieuwe-verdelen
Higgins, C., Duxbury, L., Lee, C. (1994). Impact of life-cycle stage and gender on the ability
to Balance work and Family responsibilities. Family relations. Vol. 43(2) p. 144-150.
Huis, van, I., Verloo, M., Haar, van der, M. (2011). Study on the Role of Men in Gender
Equality Country Report The Netherlands. Nijmegen: Radboud University.
Kalmijn, M. (2002). Sociologische analyses van levensloopeffecten: een overzicht van
economische, sociale en culturele gevolgen. Bevolking en Gezin. Vol.31(3), 3-46
Kugelberg, C. (2006). Constructing the deviant other: mothering and fathering at the
workplace. Gender, work and organization. Vol. 13(2) 152-173
Van Laar, S. (11 November 2013). Wat ben jij goed zeg, een echt papa op papadag, De
Volkskrant, Opinie.
Merens, A., Hartgers, M., Van den Brakel, M. (2012). Emancipatiemonitor. The Hague: SCP
Murgia A., Poggio, B. (2013). Fathers’ Stories of Resistance and Hegemony in Organizational
Cultures. Gender, Work and Organization. Vol. 20(4) 413-424
Nieborg, S.M.A. (2000). Gedeelde zorg, gedeeld werk. Proefschrift UVA.
Pink, S. (2011). Images, Senses and Applications: Engaging Visual Anthropology. Visual
Anthropology. Vol. 24(5) 437–454
61
Quaegebeur, E. (10 mei 2014). De kunst van het co-ouderen. Volkskrant magazine.
Ranson, G. (2012). Men, Paid Employment and Family Responsibilities: Conceptualizing the
‘Working Father’. Gender, Work and Organizations. Vol.19(6), 241-261.
Roberts, E. (2008). Time and Work-Life Balance: The Roles of ‘Temporal Customization’
and ‘Life Temporality’. Gender, Work and Organization. Vol.15(5), 436-453.
Ruitenberg, J.F. (2014). Socialized Choices: Labour Market Behaviour of Dutch Mothers,
Amsterdam: Vossiuspers. ISBN: 9789056297497
Ruxton, S., Gaag, Van der, N. (2013). Men’s involvement in gender equality – European
perspectives. Gender and Development. Vol. 21(1), 161-174.
Sabelis, I.H.J. (2006). Time sensitivity; A delicate and crucial starting point of reflexive
methods for studying time in management and organizations. Paper presented at the
Symposium It´s about time! Increasing the temporal focus in organizational research,
Maastricht: Maastricht University/Meteor, June 2006.
Schwartz-Shea, P., Yanow, D. (2009) Reading and Writing as Method: In Search of
Trustworthy Texts. In Organizational Ethnography by Ybema, S., Yanow, D., Wels, H.
& Kamsteeg, F.H.(2009). London: Sage publication ltd.
Smithson, J. and E. Stokoe (2005). ‘Discourses of Work–Life Balance: Negotiating ‘Gender
blind’ Terms in Organizations’, Gender, Work & Organization, 12 (2), 147–168.
Social Economic Council (SER) (2011). Tijden van de samenleving; Slimmer organiseren van
tijd en plaats van arbeid en dienstverlening, Amsterdam: SER
Steenbeek, G. (2012). Course; Gender, Macht en Multiculturalisme. Universiteit Utrecht,
Utrecht.
Tavecchio L., Bos H.(2011). Inleiding op het themanummer 'Vaderschap, rol van vaders in
opvoeding van kinderen en diversiteit in vaderschap'. Pedagogiek. Vol.31(1), 3-10.
Taylor, S. (2001). ‘Locating and conducting discourse analytic research’, In M. Wetherell, S.
Taylor and S.J. Yates (Eds.) Discourse as data. A guide for analysis, pp. 5-48. London:
Sage.
Todd, P., Binns, J. (2013). Work-life balance: Is it Now a Problem for Management? Gender,
Work and Organization. Vol.20(3). 219-231
Warren, S. (2005). Photography and voice in critical qualitative management research.
Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal. Vol. 18(6), 861-882.
Weick, K.E., Sutcliffe K.M., Obstfeld, D. (2005). Organizing and the process of sensemaking.
Organization science. Vol 16(4), p. 409-421.
62
Will, V., D. Eadie and S. MacAskill (1996). ‘Projective and enabling techniques explored’,
Special Issue for the Marketing Intelligence and Planning Journal - Qualitative Market
Research, 14 (6): 38-43.
Wilson, F., Thompson, P. (2001). Sexual Harassment as an Exercise of Power. Gender, Work and
Organization, 8(1): 61-83.
Wouters, R. (2011). Carrièrebitches en papadagen, hoogste tijd voor het nieuwe werken. Amsterdam:
Nieuw Amsterdam.
63
Appendix A: Interview Guide
Interview design
1. Starting the Interview
This research is about division the time and household and care task of (co-) fathers with
children between 10 and 18 years old. The research is done for the thesis I will write for the
master Culture, Organization and Management and for Movisie. The questions will be about
the change in division tasks after the birth of the first child. Furthermore I will ask question
about the changes currently happening in society. By doing this research I would like to
gather more knowledge about the different factors that influence the choices made concerning
the division of tasks and time management.
The answers given are strictly confidential. The interviews are normally recorded. This allows
me to accurately listen to the interviews again. Furthermore it allows me to keep my attention
to interview without being burdened to take notes. I am the only one listening to the
recordings. The anonymized transcript will be handed in to my supervisor.
I appreciate it very much that you help me with this interview, however if you wish to stop at
any moment during this interview, please feel free to do so. Also if there is any ambiguity
about the questions, please let me know.
2. General information
a. Name
b. Can you describe your home situation? How many children? Do you live with
a partner?
3. Cards
a. During this interview I would like to use these cards. I have 4 kinds of cards. I
have cards with caring tasks, household tasks, leisure activities and work. On
these cards are all kind of tasks. Could you put these cards in such a way that
you get one pile of tasks you do, one pile of tasks you do together and one pile
of tasks that somebody else does. Could you order it in a way as you divided
the tasks before you had children?
If you miss some tasks, I have extra cards with me to add.
Choices made in Task Division in Different Situations
4. Situation 1: Living together
a. Could you please tell me why you did these tasks?
b. If you didn’t do these tasks who did these tasks, your partner? Or did you
outsource it?
c. How did you get to this division of tasks?
i. Did you talk about it?
64
ii. At that moment, where there fixed times such as work times that form
the basis of the choices you made?
5. Situation 2: Getting Children
a. Now, I would like to ask you more about the moment when you got children.
b. What kind of tasks came into your life?
c. Did some tasks you had before disappear?
d. Did you start outsourcing more tasks?
e. Did one or both of you quit some paid working hours? Or did one of you quit
the job at all?
6. Situation 3: Change during years with children
a. Where there changes in task division, hours of paid working since then?
b. How did you decide to change your routine?
c. Where there things that weren’t working out very well? Was this due to a
skewed division of tasks?
7. Discourse in Environment
a. When you look at the division of tasks you made. How do you see your
surrounding responds to your division of tasks?
b. How does this make your decisions to divide it this way easier or more
difficult?
c. How does this influence the decisions you took?
d. How does the organization or the colleagues you work (with) respond to
asking time for you child when it is ill or you need to leave to pick it up?
e. Can you give me example of this?
f. Can you tell me if there are certain fixed times, such as school times, which
influence your daily life?
i. How do you experience this? Is it difficult?
g. Can you tell me to which extend financial factors played a role in the choices
you made?
h. Government rules
i. Can you tell me if you looked at governement regulation when making
decisions on work and time?
ii. Can you tell me what this change meant for (both of) you en your
situation?
8. Participation society
65
a. How is the atmosphere in your neighbourhood?
b. How often do you help a neighbour with watching their children, doing some
groceries,
c. Are there many volunteers asked at school and at sport clubs of children? Do
you have the feeling this is becoming more the last couple of years?
d. How do you foresee the future now the government is cutting on care and
support?
e. Can you tell me what this change meant for (both of) you en your situation?
9. Spare Time
i. Can you tell me if in you have the feeling you have enough spare time
on the moment? Do you have the feeling you have time to reflect and
relax?
ii. Do you have any examples of things you do in your spare time ?
iii. Did you at any time experience a burn out or other illness because of
pressure at work or at home? If yes, what where the causes of this
illness?
10. Ideal situation
a. Ideal division of tasks.
i. Can you tell me what would be your ideal division of task, care and
spare time?
ii. Can you give me some insight into the factors which currently hinder
you to achieve this ideal situation?
b. Support
i. Do you have any suggestions how the government or other projects
could support you to (facilitate) reach your ideal situation?
11. Practical questions.
a. Ask the interviewee if he or she told everything they wanted to say.
b. Ask interviewee if they know more people I can interview, and if I can get in
touch with them.
c. Ask if I can call or mail them for any additional questions.
12. End of interview
a. Ask if the interviewee would like to see the transcript before the analysis en
interpretation phase.
b. Tell them I can send them the thesis when it is finished (July/August 2014).
c. Thank them.
66
Appendix B: Search for Respondents
1. News item on Movisie website
Gezocht: (Co-)Vaders voor onderzoek naar tijdsverdeling
Nieuwsbericht,
13 FEBRUARI 2014
Voor haar afstudeeronderzoek naar de verdeling van arbeid, zorg en vrije tijd bij Movisie is
Kiyomid van der Veer op zoek naar (co-)vaders met kinderen tussen de 10 en 18 jaar. Wilt u
of kent u iemand die een bijdrage wil leveren aan een onderzoek naar een evenwichtige
tijdsverdeling in de participatiesamenleving? Neem dan contact op!
Centraal in het onderzoek staat de vraag ‘Welke factoren in de participatiesamenleving
beïnvloeden de keuzes die (co-) vaders maken wat betreft arbeid, zorg en vrije tijd in de
participatiesamenleving?’ Het doel van het onderzoek is om beter inzicht te krijgen wat de
wensen van (co-)vaders zijn wat betreft de verdeling van arbeid, zorg en vrije tijd. Tegen
welke praktische problemen lopen zij bij het realiseren van deze wensen aan? En wat zijn de
beïnvloedbare factoren om deze gewenste veranderingen in het verdelen van arbeid, zorg en
vrije tijd te kunnen realiseren?
De resultaten van het onderzoek gebruikt Kiyomid uiteindelijk voor haar scriptie voor de
master Culture, Organization and Management.
Interviews
De interviews duren tussen de 45 en 60 minuten. Ze kunnen plaatsvinden bij Movisie in
Utrecht of op een andere locatie. U blijft anoniem en gegevens die voor herkenbaarheid
kunnen zorgen worden aangepast of weggelaten. De interviews vinden tussen 10 februari en
22 maart 2014 plaats.
Wilt u meewerken aan dit onderzoek? Geef u dan op door te mailen naar
[email protected] of door te bellen naar 06-18204509.
2. E-mail to colleagues
Beste Collega’s,
Zoals jullie via intranet, of van mijzelf al gehoord hebben, ben ik de komende maanden bezig
met een onderzoek naar de verdeling van arbeid, zorg en vrije tijd. Hierover zal ik een scriptie
schrijven voor de master Culture, Organization and Management die ik aan de VU volg.
Verder zal het onderzoek ook dienen om het thema van de Movisie Participatieprijs 2014 te
concretiseren.
Nu is er de afgelopen jaren al veel onderzoek gedaan naar de verdeling van arbeid, zorg en
vrije tijd. Maar hierbij wordt voornamelijk de nadruk gelegd op de rol van vrouwen. Om een
ander inzicht te krijgen focus ik mijn onderzoek op de rol van mannen.
Hiervoor ben ik op zoek naar een 15-tal mannen die ik zou kunnen interviewen over het
onderwerp; verdeling van arbeid, zorg en vrije tijd. De rolverdeling na het krijgen van
kinderen verandert sterk. Hierop zou ik graag met de respondenten terug willen blikken.
Daarom zoek ik mannen met kinderen tussen de 10 en 18 jaar.
67
Zelf heb ik al een aantal mannen bereid gevonden om mij te helpen. Maar deze zitten
voornamelijk in de categorieën; Hetero, blank, met werkende vrouwen. Nu ben ik
voornamelijk nog op zoek naar migranten mannen, mannen waarvan hun vrouw geen betaald
werk doet en/of homoseksuele mannen. Maar alle andere mannen die bereid zijn te willen
helpen zijn natuurlijk hartstikke fijn!
In de bijlage een brief met uitleg voor eventuele respondenten.
Heb je vragen of opmerken of wil je graag jezelf of iemand anders opgeven dan hoor ik dat
graag! Je kunt mij bereiken door te mailen naar [email protected] of te bellen naar 0618204509.
Ik hoor graag van je!
Met vriendelijke groet,
Kiyomid van der Veer
3. E-mail to acquaintances
Hoi .. ,
Zoals je misschien wel weet, ben ik dit half jaar bezig met afstuderen. De komende maanden
doe ik onderzoek naar de verdeling van arbeid, zorg en vrije tijd voor Movisie. Hiervoor ben
ik op zoek naar een mannelijke respondenten met kinderen tussen de 10 en 18 jaar. Omdat DJ
(en Phoebe) binnen leeftijdsgroep vallen vroeg ik mij af of je mij misschien zou willen
helpen?
Maar eerst nog even wat meer info over mijn onderzoek.
Movisie heeft mij juist nu verzocht dit onderzoek voor hun te doen omdat er de laatste tijd
door terugtrekking van de overheid nogal wat verandert in de taken die mensen op zich
moeten nemen. Dit worden steeds meer taken en daardoor wordt de tijdsdruk van mensen
verhoogd.
Nu is er de afgelopen jaren meer onderzoek gedaan naar de verdeling van arbeid, zorg en vrije
tijd, maar hierbij wordt meestal de nadruk gelegd op vrouwen. Mannen zijn in deze
onderzoeken sterk ondervertegenwoordigd. Daarom wil ik mijn onderzoek graag richten op
mannen en de keuzes die zij maken en welke factoren hier een rol in spelen.
Om het onderzoek uit te kunnen voeren, ben ik op zoek naar een 15-tal mannen om te
interviewen over dit onderwerp. Vragen die aan bod zullen komen tijdens zo’n interview zijn:
Hoe verde(e)l(en) je/jullie thuis de taken? Waarom heb(ben) je/jullie gekozen voor deze
verdeling? Levert deze verdeling soms problemen op? Wat zijn de voordelen van deze
verdeling? Is er genoeg ruimte om alle taken uit te voeren? Wat voor rol spelen de kinderen
in de taakverdeling en uw dagindeling?
De interviews zullen tussen de 45 en 60 minuten duren en kunnen bij Movisie plaatsvinden of
een andere locatie die jou beter uitkomt. Ik zal alle interviews anonimiseren door middel van
het gebruik van andere namen en het aanpassen of weglaten van gegevens als die niet van
belang zijn voor het onderzoek. Ik zou de interviews graag ergens tussen 10 februari en 22
maart houden.
68
Ik hoop dat je bereid bent om mee te werken aan dit onderzoek. De resultaten worden
gebruikt voor mijn scriptie voor de master Culture, Organization and Management. Verder
gebruikt Movisie mijn resultaten om een project te ontwikkelen in samenwerking met de
winnaar van de Movisie Participatieprijs 2014.
Heb je vragen of opmerkingen, dan hoor ik dat graag. Je kunt mij bereiken door te mailen
naar [email protected] of te bellen naar 06-18204509.
Ik hoor graag van je!
Groetjes,
Kiyomid van der Veer
69

HOH Newsletter June 2014

Young Dads and Disadvantage Poverty Fact Sheet:

成 26 度 特別入学者選抜 聞き取 問題放送原稿 岡山県立岡山城東高等

Dads and Daughters Fact Sheet

DHE GLENVIEW LANTERN"" - Glenview Park District

Welcome to - Van Duuren Districenters

Going it alone: what is it like having a baby as a lone mother

GAME JAM 2014 - Games for Health Europe

11 Luc Devoldere On Being Asked For a War Poem 12

Case Reports Poster Session 08.00 to 08.30