Shields, Rob. What Do We Find in Recent Studies of the Municipal

What Do We Find in Recent Studies of the
Municipal and Post-Secondary Institution Relationship?
Rob Shields, University of Alberta Canada.
Prepared for the Conference Board of Canada Quality Network of Universities meeting Feb. 6-7 2014,
Edmonton Canada.
Summary
In preparation for the workshop I have drafted a summary of academic articles in this area. These
suggest a number of key points that might guide discussions.
-Reviewing many presentations, a beneficial relationship flowing from post-secondary institutions
(PSIs) to cities is often presumed but the relationships is neither addressed nor managed directly as a
form of 'mutuality' between organizations.
-In this research, there is little cause and eﬀect but often correlations.
-Evidence does not support claims for creative cities or creative classes nor for a guaranteed positive
eﬀect by PSIs – hence the need for attention to mutuality. Employment growth is the single reliable
indicator of urban and regional economic health.
-PSIs have local varying impacts through students and employees, but research institutions create an
important local demand for highly skilled individuals, attracting human capital to a locality.
-Cities in Europe and North American are increasingly creating metropolitan master plans around
PSIs, not just 'university-cities'.
Good planning may avoid 'studentification' of adjacent
neighbourhoods.
Introduction
In library catalogues and journal databases, there is first a steady increase in relevant work on cities and
post-secondary institutions (PSIs) and then exponential growth in the number of relevant publications
in each of the last six years (2007-2013). We see a maturing of reflection on the relationship between
cities and post-secondary institutions, from which policy insights can be drawn to respond to specific
local issues (Goddard & Vallance, 2013). The focus of the literature moves from histories (Brockliss,
2000), to observing (Harloe & Perry, 2004; Kitagawa, 2004) and proposing general principles (2007-10)
and observing that the relationship between cities and PSIs is under investigated (Russo, van den Berg,
& Lavanga, 2007), to documenting opportunities amongst populations, neighbourhoods or
technologies (2009-12), to specific cases of mutuality between cities and PSIs (2010-13) (recent books
include Thorpe & Goldstein, 2010; Ingallina, 2012; Goddard & Vallance, 2013). Presentations by
academics, however, tend to presume that benefits flow from university research to cities and partner
institutions, rather than addressing the relationship between organizations.
1
Mutuality
I use 'mutuality' to describe engagement that is participatory or partnership-based between PSIs,
communities and non-educational organizations in the public and private sectors (see also Morris, et
al., 2011 re inner cities). Mutuality is a feature of emerging urban regimes (Mitra & Frick, 2011 re
Rust Belt cities).
Critical approaches to PSIs contribution to local economies are important (Felsenstein, 1996 is one
seminal study). Problems in studies include the ways counterfactual and null-hypotheses are specified,
the definition of the local area, the identification of "new" expenditures, the tendency to double-count
economic impacts, the role of local taxes, and the omission of local spillover benefits from enhanced
human capital created by higher education (Siegfried, Sanderson, & McHenry, 2007).
Anchor Institutions and Urban Strategies
Anchor institutions are intended to be drivers of urban revitalization and a designer of urban landscape
by attracting particular segments of the population and constituting a collective body of citizens. Over
the long epoch of modernity, high quality post-secondary institutions can be correlated with successful
local governance and urban development (Percoco, 2013 re Italy for the period 1300-1861).
These institutions include post-secondary institutions (PSIs), hospitals, military bases and so on that
will contribute to economic growth (often by receiving state subsidies, thereby scaling wealth from the
national level to concentrate it at a local scale), a real estate developer and a service provider (Harkavy et
al., 2009 cited in Tohvri & Udumae, 2013 re. Tartu).
Research parks are another form of anchor institutions that has been favoured by planning and policy
agendas based on 'knowledge society' and 'creative-city' theories (Siemiatycki, 2013 re Oshawa) but for
which results are equivocal.
High student populations can raise housing issues and conflicts over lifestyle, domesticity and culture
in communities who compete for rental properties. The neighbourhoods in which students live can
change suddenly and rapidly (Sage, Smith, & Hubbard, 2012 re. Brighton UK). 'Studentification' often
precedes gentrification (Davison, 2009 re. Melbourne; Chatterton, 1999 re Bristol). Purpose built
student accommodation may appear to be the solution to 'studentification' but risks of segregating
students, promoting gentrification and having large or incongruously institutional buildings become a
magnet for student-community conflicts and local feelings of dispossession and displacement (Sage,
Smith, & Hubbard, 2013). Research indicates that it is space-time segregation that erodes
communication between groups.
Urban Nodes
Within cities and regions, PSIs are amongst the anchoring institutions for the comprehensive planning
initiatives for urban sub-centres or nodes which have specific services and transportation modes
attached to them (Van der Heijde, 2012 re. The Netherlands). The comprehensive planning around
PSIs done in Lyon, and the creation of new transit plans to link PSIs, is a Can$80M initiative to focus
the city on its universities (see also Sanfeliu, 2011 for a historical case-study; Forsyth & Crewe, 2010 re.
suburban technopoles and campuses). Collaborative opportunities to produce new urban spaces abound
in the management of university properties (Benneworth, Charles, & Madanipour, 2010).
2
The significance of universities in urban planning and regional development is accompanied by changes
in the institutional location of public debates out of government agencies into public fora, and are
accompanied by new issues of legitimacy and coalition-building that must be undertaken by PSIs
(Srinivas, et al., 2008 re. Finland). A political focus on collaboration is also found to be a way of
legitimizing changes in national regional policy rather than delegation of authority in a comparative
study of Swedish cities (Engstrand & Ahlander, 2008).
Vibrant Cities: Production, Attraction and Demand for Human Capital
PSIs derive advantages from being located in an economically active, high-amenity regions. Often
these are major metropolises or capitals. These advantages are indirect and direct, as in partnerships
with local information sources (archives, museums) and proximity to private sector users of research.
However, only graduates in a limited number of fields derive a premium during their early wage
earnings by being closest to the largest economic arenas or pools of employment. The microgeographies
of human capital appear to be significant as in a 2006 study of smart cafes in Boston (Fu, 2006).
Similarly, hiring from a diverse range of universities and geographic backgrounds rather than local
graduates is positively correlated with corporate success (O'Hagan & Rice, 2013).
There is only a small positive relationship between a metropolitan region's PSIs producing graduates
and the local stock of human capital, suggesting that migration is important. Both metropolitan
production and attraction of migrants are significant for Canadian cities (Brown, Newbold, &
Beckstead, 2010). For the case of Poland, only major centres retain as well as attract graduates
(Goddard & Vallance, 2013). By contrast, academic R&D significantly increases demand for skilled
employees, raising local human capital levels (Abel & Deitz, 2012re USA). Employment opportunities
are more important that quality of life but QoL can be a feature of particular cities such as Ottawa
(Darchen & Tremblay, 2010 comparing Montreal) that are outliers to national patterns.
Avoiding 'Creative Cities' Sterotypes
As of 2012, there was little or no empirical evidence to support either industrial cluster or creative city
theories (Dai, et al., 2012 re. China) despite the significance of these notions for academic debate
(Ribera-Fumaz, 2009) and public controversy (Peck, 2009). For the case of Italy 2001-6, an increase in
the number of firms active in the creative industries and net entry of legal immigrants are positively
correlated to regional employment growth, shown to be the key determinant of value-added growth
regionally (although others emphasize the importance of employed degree holders as determinant
(Brown & Scott, 2012 re. Canada). Trademarks, patents, cultural amenities, and industrial districts such
as science parks have no significant eﬀect, while high numbers of university faculties are negatively
correlated with regional employment growth (Piergiovanni, Carree, & Santarelli, 2012) but overall
benefit youth employment rates (Frenette, 2009). Studies converge on employment growth as a reliable
indicator of urband regional economic growth. Eﬀorts have been made to refine the measurement of
cultural indicators that have been conflated together such as ethnic diversity and sexual tolerance.
These reveal that the focus should be placed on specific practices at the city and neighbourhood scale to
address intangibles such as communication and trust between all communities and fractions (Qian,
2013).
Cities and regions identified as 'creative cities' have not been more resilient to cyclic recessions which
are economy-wide and at the scale of the capitalist system, globally. Such cities and regions tend to be
more vulnerable because of their high immigrant populations ( a key measure of the creative economy)
who are at higher risk of unemployment (Sands & Reese, 2013) during downturns.
3
The planning literature is generally characterized by a magical, seamless and painless vision of
revitalization and progression between one urban economic engine and another or between modes of
accumulation. This puts cities and citizens at risk of creating new problems of poverty, homelessness
and inequality as a result of simplistic policies (Siemiatycki, 2013 re Oshawa). German research
illustrates the importance of distinguishing between cities on the basis of urban regimes, sectoral
industrial bases and types of innovation (Buerger & Cantner, 2011). Hypothetically it may be that
accumulation and growth is local and regional, while negative is economy-wide. Path dependency is an
important factor (Van Assche, et al., 2011; Benjamin, 2012 re. NYU)). Small, geographically distant
and deindustrializing areas have successfully implemented the 'triple-helix' framework (Leydesdorﬀ &
Deakin, 2011) in the form of cross-institutional partnerships and companies that balanced cooperation
and competitoin within the region, increased local leverage in bids for national resources and
hybridized the existing industrial base with new knowledge (Svensson, Klofsten, & Etzkowitz, 2012 re.
Norrkoping). Knowledge spillovers are an important contribution that academic R&D can make to
city and region. This is positively correlated to private R&D and to service-sector employment growth
and non-technical innovation (Raspe & van Oort, 2011 re. the Netherlands).
The Common Wealth
By commonwealth I mean the public good in the broadest sense of inclusiveness, vibrancy and equality.
Critiques of university-city engagement include the argument that overly exploitive attitudes towards
education characterize the neoliberal approaches to PSIs as key sites of the knowledge economy (Pierce,
2012).
Historical studies suggest that the success of progressive initiatives in post-secondary education, such as
the admission of women to liberal professions such as medicine, is dependent on both reforms of the
educational system and community initiative and leadership, not just acceptance of progressive
outcomes that result from initiatives within colleges and universities (Watts, 2013 re. Birmingham).
It may be possible to apply contemporary studies of innovation to post-secondary institutions.
Research hypotheses and eﬀorts have moved toward bottom-up, popular, informal or open innovation
with closed networks seen as having negative impacts on university startups and spinoﬀs ( van
Geenhuizen & Soetanto, 2012). Research maps regional learning networks that cross firms, institutions
and customers or users as an alternative to innovation within single organizations (Van Geenhuizen &
Soetanto, 2013).
Institutional Forms of Mutuality
Communities benefit from many university's services, including recreational services, security (such as
the eﬀect of safe-walk programmes) and awareness and even shelter in the case of adverse events.
Disasters can be an opportunity for student engagement with communities (Reardon, et al., 2009 re
Cornell Univ. And New Orleans). Community Service Learning placements benefit local organizations
(Brail, 2013; McIntyre, 2006). Some professional programs such as planning contribute to
municipalities. The City of Vancouver recently reported to the University of Alberta City-Region
Studies Centre over 50,000 hours of contact time with planning students on placements).
Coordination takes engagement initiatives beyond single neighbourhoods and oﬀers the advantages of
support for the added challenge of working with marginalized groups and communities (Allahwala, et
al., 2013). In the South African context, University of Cape Town African Centre for Cities set up a
series of 'CityLabs' as partnerships with six specific neighbourhoods on particular problems to coproduce interdisciplinary knowledge and implement solutions (Anderson, et al., 2013; see also Tasci, et
4
al., 2011 re Turkey). The University of Washington has a program, that oﬀers a selected municipality
one year of access to expertise across the University (Lesage, 2010). After criticism (Zukin, 2012), the
University of Pennsylvania created the Penn Institute for Urban Research to blend practice and theory
(Rodin, 2005). Other forms including participatory fora such as design charettes (Shields & Patchett,
2012), walking tour exercises Trell & van Hoven, 2010) and online games can increase engagement by
mobilizing the idea of play (Poplin, 2012).
Thinking Bigger
PSIs add to the international recognition and image of cities and regions (Martinez-Fernandez &
Sharpe, 2008 re. Sydney Australia). However, grandiose claims are made about globalized universities
and branch campuses (eg. NYU and many British universities) as a restructuring of space in ways that
are indiﬀerent to local identity or city character (Looser, 2012). Mutuality can thus be thought a
diﬀerent scales and as a continuum from deep engagement to indiﬀerence: engagement with local
communities and with cities as wholes in ways that enhance and promote them globally. Regional
innovation systems or 'Arenas' are observed extend across cities (Fogelberg & Thorpenberg, 2012 re.
Sweden) to transnational scale clusters that are self-reinforcing concentrations of particular industries
(Sum, 1999). Similarly, transnational 'Education Hubs' and partnerships can be found in research,
training and liberal arts (eg. The faculty and student initiated 'NYLON' seminars (New York and
London Universities); FU, TUBerlin and Humboldt's Transatlantic Collegium with Columbia and
CUNY) that increasingly are part of the public diplomacy of cities (Knight, 2013).
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