Morphology Class 3 Morphemes I: position FS 2014 Rik van Gijn Morphemes I: position Goal of this class Learn about morphemes and their distribution √ Acquaint yourself with different kinds of units involved in word structure √ Acquire the vocabulary to talk about these units √ Learn about their place within words √ Learn about different types of morphological processes Morphemes I: position Simplex and complex words Words may consist of smaller meaningful units Are the following words simple or complex? word worker unbelievable simplicity sentence dinner believable complex Of how many smaller units do they consist? Morphemes I: position Morpheme Morpheme Smallest unit of language with its own meaning Form Highly idealized picture We will discuss different kinds of exceptions to this basic pattern in week 5 Morpheme Morpheme Meaning Morphemes I: position Morpheme Morpheme Smallest unit of language with its own meaning Form concrete abstract consistent variable concrete abstract consistent variable Morpheme Meaning Morphemes I: position Morpheme Today We look at form, and mostly at concrete and consistent cases, but we will also take a look at more abstract operations. Form concrete abstract consistent variable concrete abstract consistent variable Morpheme Meaning Morphemes I: position Morpheme types Three morphologically complex words unbearable lightness being 1. Divide into morphemes 2. What do you think is the most important morpheme of each word? Why do you think that? Morphemes I: position Smallest form-meaning units un bear able If you are not sure about morpheme recognition, you can try substitution: which parts can be replaced by others? Those are likely to be the morphemes. light ness be ing Morphemes are primitives of formmeaning combinations, they cannot be analyzed further in these terms Morphemes I: position Morpheme types un- bear absence support of weight -able light possibility of of little weight -ness the idea of be exist -ing in the act of What is the semantic core of every word? What is each word really about? Morphemes I: position Morpheme types un- bear absence support of weight -able light possibility of of little weight -ness the idea of be exist -ing in the act of WHAT? What is the semantic core of every word? What is each word really about? Morphemes I: position Morpheme types un- bear absence support of weight -able light possibility of of little weight -ness the idea of be exist -ing in the act of Morphemes I: position Roots Literally the root of the word, where the word ‘begins‘ unbearable bear ↓ bearable ↓ unbearable Morphemes I: position Smallest form-meaning units un bear able light ness be ing Morphemes are primitives of formmeaning combinations, they cannot be analyzed further in these terms Morphemes I: position Which of these morphemes can stand alone? un bear able light ness be /ˈeɪbl/ attrib. Having the qualifications, power, or capacity for some activity. Obs /əbl/ Forming adjectives denoting the capacity for or capability of being subjected to or (in some complex words) performing the action denoted or implied by the first element of the complex word. ing www.oed.co.uk Morphemes I: position Which of these morphemes can stand alone? un un bear do able able Replacement tests light dark Can you replace these morphemes with other root morphemes? ness ness be do ing ing Morphemes I: position Which of these morphemes can stand alone? un bear (Potentially) free morpheme able light ness be ing A morpheme that can stand on its own as a word-form. Morphemes I: position Which of these morphemes can stand alone? un bear (Potentially) free morpheme able light A morpheme that can stand on its own as a word-form. ness = root? be ing Morphemes I: position However… A few morphologically complex words •grateful •capable Divide into morphemes Morphemes I: position However, replacement tests say… •grateful Successful, colorful, mindful, etc. Gratitude, gratuitous, etc. •capable Bearable, enjoyable, affordable etc. Capacity, Morphemes I: position Roots and bases Root The smallest,unanalyzable constituent morpheme of a word to which other morphological material can be added. Roots may be potentially free morphemes, but not necessarily Base Word form to which morphological material is added. One can thus say that roots are bases, but bases are not necessarily roots. For instance, -bear- forms the base to which -able is added, bearable forms the base to which un- is added, but only bear is a root. Morphemes I: position Roots and bases Affix A dependent form that attaches to a base. Morphemes I: position Roots, bases and affixes morphemes Potentially free Roots/bases Obligatorily bound Bound roots/bases Affixes Morphemes I: position Lexemes and stems Lexeme Abstract unit denoting a family of word forms that differ in their grammatical endings, e.g. walk, walks, walking, walked belong to the lexeme WALK Stem Word form without grammatical (inflectional) endings. walk- Morphemes I: position Intermezzo: examples, morpheme breaks, and glossing The Leipzig Glossing Rules (LGR) (...) ten rules for the "syntax" and "semantics" of interlinear glosses, and an appendix with a proposed "lexicon" of abbreviated category labels. http://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/resources/glossing-rules.php Morphemes I: position Intermezzo: the Leipzig Glossing Rules Rule 1: Word-by-word alignment Interlinear glosses are left-aligned vertically, word by word, with the example. E.g. Indonesian (Sneddon 1996:237) Mereka di Jakarta sekarang. They in Jakarta now 'They are in Jakarta now.' Morphemes I: position Intermezzo: the Leipzig Glossing Rules Rule 2: Morpheme-by-morpheme correspondence Segmentable morphemes are separated by hyphens, both in the example and in the gloss. There must be exactly the same number of hyphens in the example and in the gloss. E.g. Lezgian (Haspelmath 1993:207) Gila abur-u-n ferma hamišaluǧ now they-OBL-GEN farm forever ‘Now their farm will not stay behind forever.’ güǧüna amuq’-da-č. behind stay-FUT-NEG Clitic boundaries are marked by an equals sign, both in the object language and in the gloss. West Greenlandic (Fortescue 1984:127) palasi=lu niuirtur=lu priest=and shopkeeper=and 'both the priest and the shopkeeper' Morphemes I: position Intermezzo: the Leipzig Glossing Rules Rule 3: Grammatical category labels Grammatical morphemes are generally rendered by abbreviated grammatical category labels, printed in upper case letters (usually small capitals). A list of standard abbreviations (which are widely known among linguists) is given at the end of this document. (see website) Morphemes I: position Intermezzo: the Leipzig Glossing Rules Rule 4: One-to-many correspondences When a single object-language element is rendered by several metalanguage elements (words or abbreviations), these are separated by periods. E.g. Turkish çık-mak come.out-INF 'to come out' Latin insul-arum island-GEN.PL 'of the islands' Morphemes I: position Intermezzo: the Leipzig Glossing Rules Rule 5: Person and number labels Person and number are not separated by a period when they occur in this order. E.g. Italian and-iamo go-PRS.1PL 'we go' (not: go-PRS.1.PL) Morphemes I: position Intermezzo: the Leipzig Glossing Rules Rule 6: Non-overt elements If the morpheme-by-morpheme gloss contains an element that does not correspond to an overt element in the example, it can be enclosed in square brackets. An obvious alternative is to include an overt "Ø" in the object language text, which is separated by a hyphen like an overt element. Latin puer boy[NOM.SG] ‘boy’ or: puer-Ø boy-NOM.SG ‘boy’ Morphemes I: position Intermezzo: the Leipzig Glossing Rules Rule 7: Inherent categories Inherent, non-overt categories such as gender may be indicated in the gloss, but a special boundary symbol, the round parenthesis, is used. E.g.Hunzib (van den Berg 1995:46) oz#-di-g xõxe m-uq'e-r boy-OBL-AD tree(G4) G4-bend-PRET 'Because of the boy the tree bent.' (G4 = 4th gender, AD = adessive, PRET = preterite) Morphemes I: position Intermezzo: the Leipzig Glossing Rules Rule 8: Bipartite elements Grammatical or lexical elements that consist of two parts which are treated as distinct morphological entities (e.g. circumfixes) may be treated in two different ways: German ge-seh-en PTCP-see-PTCP 'seen‘ or: ge-seh-en PTCP-see-CIRC 'seen' Morphemes I: position Intermezzo: the Leipzig Glossing Rules Rule 9: Infixes Infixes are enclosed by angle brackets, and so is the object-language counterpart in the gloss. Tagalog b<um>ili (stem: bili) <ACTFOC>buy 'buy' Latin reli<n>qu-ere (stem: reliqu-) leave<PRS>-INF 'to leave' Infixes are generally easily identifiable as leftperipheral (as in the Tagalog example) or as rightperipheral (as in the Latin one), and this determines the position of the gloss corresponding to the infix with respect to the gloss of the stem. If the infix is not clearly peripheral, some other basis for linearizing the gloss has to be found. Morphemes I: position Intermezzo: the Leipzig Glossing Rules Rule 10: Reduplication Reduplication is treated similarly to affixation, but with a tilde (instead of an ordinary hyphen) connecting the copied element to the stem. Hebrew yerak~rak-im green~ATT-M.PL 'greenish ones' (ATT= attenuative) Morphemes I: position Typological parameters • Traditional parameters: whole language typologies • Our approach: parameters as properties of morphemes Morphemes I: position Typological parameters Yurakaré (Van Gijn 2006) ti-ma-y-mala-ma 1SG-3PL-GO-go.SG-IMP.SG ‘Go and get them for me!’ Spanish habl-ó speak-3SG.PAST.PERF.IND ‘He spoke.’ Some examples Bolivian Quechua (Van de Kerke 1996) much’a-na-chi-na-yki kiss-REC-CAUS-NOM-2SG ‘You should make them kiss each other.’ Vietnamese (Comrie 1989) khi tôi đền nhà bạn tôi chúng tôi bắt đấu làm bài when I come house friend I PLURAL I begin do lesson ‘When I came to my friend’s house, we began to do lessons.’ Morphemes I: position Typological parameters Three types of languages: 1. No-structure languages (Chinese) 2. Agglutinating lgs (Turkish) 3. Inflecting languages (Latin) Friedrich von Schlegel 1772-1829 August von Schlegel 1767-1845 Morphemes I: position Typological parameters Isolating languages: no or little use of affixes Agglutinating languages: Ideally express one concept per morpheme, and combine morphemes with little to none morphophonological alternation August Schleicher 1821-1868 Inflectional languages: Often fuse together several grammatical categories within one morpheme; often have complex morphophonology in their morpheme combinations. Wilhelm von Humboldt 1767-1835 Incorporating languages: Languages that can treat verb + arguments as a single word. Morphemes I: position Typological parameters Sapir 1921 Three parameters 1. Synthesis (degree of concepts that can be ‘packed’ into a single word) Analytic – Synthetic – Polysynthetic 2. Technique (degree of coalescence between morphemes) Isolating – Agglutinating – Fusional – Symbolic 3. Nature of concepts (degree of semantic content) Radical – Derivational – Mixed relational – Pure relational Morphemes I: position Typological parameters synthesis analytic synthetic polysynthetic Agglutinating Hungarian Yup’ik Eskimo Fusional Russian Chiricahua Apache technique Isolating Classical Chinese A. Aikhenvald (2007) in Shopen (ed.) Morphemes I: position Typological parameters Yurakaré (Van Gijn 2006) ti-ma-y-mala-ma 1SG-3PL-GO-go.SG-IMP.SG ‘Go and get them for me!’ Spanish habl-ó speak-3SG.PAST.PERF.IND ‘He spoke.’ Some examples Bolivian Quechua (Van de Kerke 1996) much’a-na-chi-na-yki kiss-REC-CAUS-NOM-2SG ‘You should make them kiss each other.’ Vietnamese (Comrie 1989) khi tôi đền nhà bạn tôi chúng tôi bắt đấu làm bài when I come house friend I PLURAL I begin do lesson ‘When I came to my friend’s house, we began to do lessons.’ Morphemes I: position Typological parameters Position prae, post, in, simul Bickel & Nichols 2007 Fusion Isolating > Concatenative > Nonlinear Flexivity Flexive, Nonflexive Semantic density: Exponence Cumulative, Separative Synthesis Analytic > Synthetic > Polysynthetic Locus head-marking, dependent-marking Morphemes I: position Position Position of affixes is defined by their relative position with respect to the base they attach to (Bickel & Nichols 2007).* PRAE POST IN SIMUL * B&N go one step further in including some free forms as morphemes (or formatives in their terminology) but this pertains particularly to inflection so we’ll postpone that discussion until later. Morphemes I: position Morpheme types: prefixes PRAE Yurakaré (Isolate) ti-ja-n-kaya 1SG-3SG-BEN-give He gave it to me. Achinese (Austronesian)1 ji-pi-langũ 3-CAUS-swim He makes (someone) swim. 1. From Bauer (2003: 27) Introducing linguistic morphology. Georgetown U. Press Morphemes I: position Morpheme types: suffixes POST Cochabamba Quechua (Quechuan) yanapa-wa-rqa-nki help-1OBJ-PAST-2SG ‘You helped me.’ Turkish (Altaic) tan-iş-tır-ıl-ma-dık-lar-ın-dan-dır know-REC-CAU-PAS-POT-NEG-NZR-3P-ABL-3COP ‘It’s because they cannot be introduced to each other. (lit. it is from their not being able to be made known to each other 1. 2. From Van de Kerke (1996) Affix order and interpretation in Bolivian Quechua From Bickel & Nichols (2007: 191) Inflection. In Shopen (ed.) Language typology and synatactic description, part III. Cambridge UP. Morphemes I: position Morpheme types: prefixes versus suffixes Matthew S. Dryer. 2013. Prefixing vs. Suffixing in Inflectional Morphology. In: Dryer, Matthew S. & Haspelmath, Martin (eds.) WALS Online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. (http://wals.info/chapter/26, Accessed on 2014-02-28.) Morphemes I: position Morpheme types: infixes IN Movima (Isolate): aroso = rice kas aro<ka>so NEG rice<IRR> ‘There is no rice.’ Tagalog (Austronesian) ganda ‘beauty’ hirap ‘difficulty’ 1. 2. gumanda ‘become beautiful’ humirap ‘become difficult’ From Haude (2006) A grammar of Movima. PhD thesis RU Nijmegen. From Lieber (2009) Introducing morphology (CUP), cited from Schachter & Otanes 1972 Morphemes I: position Morpheme types: transfixes IN Arabic (Semitic) kataba 'he wrote' kattaba 'he caused to write' kaataba 'he corresponded' takaatabuu 'they kept up a correspondence' ktataba 'he wrote, copied' kitaabun 'book (nom.)' kuttaabun 'Koran school (nom.)' kitaabatun 'act of writing (nom.)' maktabun 'office (nom.)‘ McCarthy 1981: 374 in Linguistic Inquiry 12. Root: ktb Transfixes: vowels that can alter the root pattern Morphemes I: position Morpheme types: vowel mutation IN German (Germanic) Mutter - Mütter Vater - Väter Tochter - Töchter Manchu (Tungusic) haha ama amila ‘man’ ‘father’ ‘rooster’ hehe ‘woman’ eme ‘mother emile ‘hen’ Haenisch 1961: 34 in Lieber (2009) Introducing morphology (CUP). Morphemes I: position Morpheme types: vowel mutation IN N. Junín Quechua (Quechuan) wayi aywa ‘house’ ‘go (root)’ wayi: ‘my house’ aywa: ‘I go’ Adelaar & Muysken (2004) The languages of the Andes. Cambridge: CUP. Morphemes I: position Morpheme types: consonant mutation IN Scottish Gaelic nom.sg.indef [b…] bard [kj…] ceann [g…] guth [th…] tuagh [b…] balach gen.pl.indef [v…] bhàrd ‘bard’ [ç…] cheann ‘head’ [ɣ…] ghuth ‘voice’ [h…] thuagh ‘axe’ [v…] bhalach ‘boy’ Calder (1923: 81–93) cited in Haspelmath & Simms (2010) Understanding morphology. Hodder Education. Morphemes I: position Morpheme types: consonant mutation IN Standard Arabic darasa ‘learn’ waqafa ‘stop (intr.)’ damara ‘perish’ darrasa ‘teach’, waqqafa ‘stop (tr.)’, dammara ‘annihilate’) Haspelmath & Simms (2010) Understanding morphology. Hodder Education. Morphemes I: position Morpheme types: subtraction IN Maori active huri inu karanga mau paa tomo passive huri-hia inu-mia karanga-tia mau-ria paa-ngia tomo-kia gloss ‘turn’ ‘drink’ ‘call’ ‘seize’ ‘touch’ ‘enter’ From Bauer (2003) Introducing linguistic morphology. Georgetown U. Press Morphemes I: position Morpheme types: subtraction IN French (Romance, IE) Bauer (2003) Introducing linguistic morphology. Georgetown U. Press Morphemes I: position Morpheme types: suppletion IN English (Germanic, IE) Present go is Past went was Yurakaré (Isolate) Singular tuwi dele bushu Plural shama ñeta peta ‘die’ ‘fall’ ‘lie (down)’ Morphemes I: position Morpheme types: weak suppletion IN English (Germanic, IE) Present think bring Past thought brought Yurakaré (Isolate) Singular wita letu Plural wiwi lele ‘arrive’ ‘sit (down)’ We will see further examples of morphological processes that take place ‘inside’ the base later on (next week and when we talk about compounds) Morphemes I: position Morpheme types: circumfixes SIMUL Tagalog Intsik ‘Chinese person’ pulo ‘island’ ka-intsik-an ‘the Chinese’ ka-pulu-an’ ‘archipelago’ Cavineña (Takanan) E-ra=mi e-bawitya-u 1SG-ERG=2SG POT-teach-POT [i-keS bawe=kwana=ke]. 1SG-FM know=PL=LIG ‘Icould teachyou what I know.’ 1. Schachter and Otanes 1972: 101 in Lieber (2009) Introducing morphology (CUP). 2. Guillaume (2008) A grammar of Cavineña. Mouton de Gruyter. Morphemes I: position Morpheme types SIMUL German (Germanic, IE) der Stab / die Stäbe der Turm / die Türme die Not / die Nöte der Wald / die Wälder das Haus / die Häuser
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