Rise or Decay of Political Affairs?

Volker von Prittwitz, Rise or Decay of Political Affairs? May 24/June 21, 2016: www.diberlin.info
Rise or Decay of Political Affairs?
A General Theory
Volker von Prittwitz
Summary
Politics constitutes a special way of coordination with special potentials: It
forms generally binding decisions with competing actors. Hence it
fundamentally differs from coordination without competing actors (Hierarchy),
from annihilating competing actors (War), from one-sided action (Sects) and
from strictly ruled behavior (Sports or road traffic).
Whenever political actors operate only in the dimension of interaction in order
to gain, to preserve, or to expand power, politics cannot use and develop its
specific potentials such as effective steering and integration. With that aim,
rather, generally accepted rules (institutions) have to be respected - protecting
all involved ones and enabling independent discourses on how coordination
could and should be done best.
Politics rises if generally binding decisions come about with competing actors.
In contrast, it declines whenever a) no necessary generally binding decisions
come about, b) generally binding decisions are made without respect for
competing actors and without a substantial discourse of coordination options.
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Volker von Prittwitz, Rise or Decay of Political Affairs? May 24/June 21, 2016: www.diberlin.info
1. The conceptual environment of political affairs
The term of political affairs can best be understood by being differentiated
from other basic terms such as communication, interaction, society,
governance, and state (government).
1.1 Communication is conceived of as exchange or transfer of information. In
doing so, the involved actors basically exchange their perceptions of how they
assess their reciprocal relationship. Based on that relational communication,
they can communicate about facts, aesthetic aspects, and the way they
communicate with each other (reflective communication); additionally they
can exchange commands and normative expectations. That exchange may go
on both without or with technical and organizational intermediation.
1.2 Interaction denotes acting and omitting action towards other actors. At it,
functional requirements of communication are managed; indeed, interaction
changes or stabilizes reality in a target-oriented way. Thus a peace agreement
implies changing rules of interaction from war to peace - differently from
informing or getting informed about a peace agreement.
1.3 The most extensive frame of regular interaction and communication is
called society. Along with the current process of globalization a global society
is coming into existence.
1.4 Governance stands for institutional coordination, i.e. widely accepted
patterns of actor coordination. Hence the following subjects are excluded from
the term:
a) Patterns of behavior that do not help to coordinate such as patterns of
one-sided action, as well as tries of comprehensive coordination that do
not work,
b) Structures of coordination without general acceptance such as criminal
and terroristic networks,
c) War (wherein the involved actors strive after annihilating each other just the contrary of generally accepted coordination.1
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See also: Prittwitz, Volker 2016: Governance. Eine Typologie institutioneller Koordination:
http://diberlin.info/index_htm_files/Governancetypologie.pdf;
http://diberlin.info/governance%20plus.htm
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Volker von Prittwitz, Rise or Decay of Political Affairs? May 24/June 21, 2016: www.diberlin.info
1.5 The state embodies the entirety of common interests, values, and norms of
the population living in a territory. Hence it is the authoritative entity to
represent, to institutionally frame, to enforce, and to implement generally
binding decisions.
1.6 Political affairs are the sphere to bring about generally binding decisions
starting from competing actor orientations. Ideal-typically, they precede state
action.
1.7 If the involved actors are protected, such as by independently valid rights
and freedoms, there are political affairs in particular. Political solutions in that
specific sense require respect for all involved actors and their participatory
rights.
1.8 In a synopsis the following conceptual fiel emerges
Figure 1: The conceptual field of political affairs
S
o
c
i
e
t
y
State: Authoritative enforcement /
implementation of generally binding decisions
Politik: Bildung allgemein
Politics in particular: Bringing about generally binding
decisions by protected participants
Politics: Bringing about generally binding decisions
Governance: Institutional coordination
Communication: Exchange of
information
Interaction: Reciprocal action
2. Political dimensions
2.1 Political affairs are complex; that’s why they can be understood only in
diverse dimensions. In that sense, since the 1980s three analytical dimensions
of political affairs have been differentiated: substantial policies, politics
(denoting interaction and power aspects), and polities (denoting political
systems).
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Volker von Prittwitz, Rise or Decay of Political Affairs? May 24/June 21, 2016: www.diberlin.info
2.2 In general, dimensions measure given facts independently - an
ascertainment that is valid also for political dimensions. Indeed, independently
measured facts of diverse dimensions can be stated parallel, and they can
influence each other.
2.3 The three given dimensions can be defined as follows:
 Since it starts from diverse actor motives and is to bring about generally
accepted decisions, politics implies interaction - particularly referring to
who participates in decision-making with which motives and who
prevails by what means (influence/power). These questions are issued in
the dimension of interaction (process).
 Politics in particular differs from political affairs in a wide sense through
participants’ protection, particularly by institutionalized freedoms and
rights. Accordingly, there is an institutional dimension of political affairs
(polity).
 What issues are political affairs about and how to assess programs and
decisions substantially? These questions are dealt with in the substantial
(policy-) dimension of political affairs.
2.4 Aside the outlined dimensions further dimensions can be significant for
political analysis. Thus politics can happen at diverse social levels, reaching
from the personal micro-level to the meso-level (related to associations) to the
macro-level (that is usually associated with political affairs).
2.5 Spatial levels of political affairs comprise the local, regional-subnational,
national, international, transnational, and supranational levels. Aside from
certain levels, the question may be relevant whether politics operates at one
level only or at several levels (multi-level politics).
2.6 As any social process, politics proceeds in the time dimension. Under that
aspect, political situations and processes can be differentiated. With sorting
political events within a certain era, certain (historically given) context
conditions are supposed of. Since those context conditions are sorted also
spatially, a space/time dimension of political analysis emerges.
2.7 In concrete analyses further dimensions may be taken into consideration.
By doing so, the dimensional space of political analysis opens up.
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Volker von Prittwitz, Rise or Decay of Political Affairs? May 24/June 21, 2016: www.diberlin.info
Figure 2: Political dimensions
Substance
Social
Space/Time
Level
Dimensions
Interaction
Institution
3. Types
Political affairs vary in the presented dimensions. By looking at
comprehensively some types result from.
3.1 Whenever politics operates only in the dimension of interaction, it does not
use capacities of institutional independency and does not develop substantial
innovations. Then it can be sorted as power-centered.
3.2 Developed politics, in contrast, operates in diverse dimensions such as the
dimension of interaction (power), the dimension of independent institution
(polity), and the dimension of substance (policy). Hence potentials of
institutional independency and substantial policy discourses are used and
fostered - usually a motivation and stimulus of better achievements.
3.3 Developed politics corresponds with politics in particular insofar it operates
with institutionalized protection of all involved actors and it has been
differentiated as a specific subsystem of society.
Table 1: Power-centered and Developed politics
Interaction
(Power
politics)
Independent
institutions
Substantial
programs
Power-centered
X
-
-
Developed politics
(politics in particular)
x
X
X
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Volker von Prittwitz, Rise or Decay of Political Affairs? May 24/June 21, 2016: www.diberlin.info
3.4 Whenever politics is oriented at interests and needs of one political level
only, it can be called one-level politics. See for instance local politics or
nationalistic politics that strives for expanding the own national views.
3.5 Also global politics that strives at exerting collective interests of all
humankind without taking national and subnational interests into
consideration could be conceived of. Without a powerful global level of politics,
however, such a type of politics appears to be irrelevant so far. An alternative
to one-level politics, indeed, can be constituted by multi-level politics including
global aspects. In those politics requirements of diverse political levels, from
the local level to the global level, are balanced and institutionally combined.
3.6 If we look at the presented types altogether, at first, we see the
combination of multi-level and developed politics. In that combined type
(Multi-level citizenship), institutionalized protection of any participant is
perceived as a challenge at all involved levels. Also substantial policies are
discussed with regard to needs of all levels - see for instance global (multi-level)
policies on climate change.2
3.7 The counter-type results from combining a one-level view with powercentered politics - leading to an aggressive power policy starting from one
level. In that type of politics, actors of other nation-states and levels primarily
are considered to be threat or even enemies.
3.8 Specific analytical challenges result from crosswise combining the
presented ideal-types: Thus the question arises whether - facing the given
reality of global challenges like climate change - a developed one-level policy is
possible at all. Multi-level policy that strives at power first (power-centered
policy), in contrast, appears to be possible quite well. In such a power policy
independent institutional request of single levels are simply suppressed.
2
Prittwitz, Volker von 2016: Multi-Level Citizenship. A chance for overcoming deficits of global governance:
http://diberlin.info/multi-level%20governance.htm; id.: Levels of Citizenship. The case of refugee policy:
http://diberlin.info/levels%20citizenship.htm
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Volker von Prittwitz, Rise or Decay of Political Affairs? May 24/June 21, 2016: www.diberlin.info
4. Political performances
4.1 While the state frames, enforces and implements generally binding
decisions, politics is to bring about those decisions starting from competing
actor motives.
4.2 More specific requirements of political affairs covariate with realized
political types: While power-centered politics is focused on getting, stabilizing,
and expanding power, developed politics (in particular) primarily strives for
maximizing the quality of steering. In that regard above all substantial quality
of programs and decisions are essential. Further quality criterions may be
effective implementation and policy learning.
4.3 Models of the Policy Cycle refer to developed politics. Starting from the
qualitative difference between politics and state, the constellations presented
in figure 3 result. Thus initiative, forming of will, decisions-making processes,
and policy learning are primarily political tasks while enforcement and
implementation of decisions are primarily tasks of state.
Figur 3: Typical performances of politics and state in the Policy Cycle
Decision-making
Formation
Implementation
State
Politics
Initiative
Learning
4.4 Whenever formal organizations of state meet the forming of will or open
decision-making, they politicize themselves. Vice versa political actors can
reflect aspects of implementation.
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Volker von Prittwitz, Rise or Decay of Political Affairs? May 24/June 21, 2016: www.diberlin.info
4.5 Developed politics is challenged to use and to display its specific capacities
such as capacities of initiating, forming of political will, decision-making, and
policy learning.
4.6 Beginnen wir mit den klassischen Staatsfunktionen der inneren und äußeren Sicherheit: Unter diesen
Gesichtspunkten geht es in der öffentlichen Diskussion traditionell um das staatliche Gewaltmonopol - ein
Muster, das auch in einem Staat, der unabhängig geltende Freiheiten und Rechte schützen will, von
grundlegender Bedeutung ist. Gerade Politik im besonderen Sinne setzt einen starken, schutzfähigen Staat
voraus. Mit der Entwicklung speziell politischer Systeme und Prozesse politisieren sich allerdings auch
Sicherheitsfragen. Insbesondere existentielle Entscheidungen über Krieg und Frieden haben in einer modernen
Gesellschaft öffentlich-politisch reflektiert zu geschehen. Dass dies praktisch möglich ist, aber keineswegs
immer geschieht, zeigt sich bis in die Gegenwart hinein - siehe aktuell den Syrien-Krieg. Eine wichtige Variable
dafür ist die öffentlich-politische Sensibilität für Vorformen und wachsende Risiken kriegerischen Denkens.
4.7 Auch der Schutz der Rechtsordnung, eine zweite klassische Staatsfunktion, erscheint zunächst als
hoheitliche Staatsaufgabe. Noch deutlicher als bei Fragen der äußeren und inneren Sicherheit wird hier die
gewachsene Bedeutung der Politik: Politische Angriffe gegen institutionell geschützte Politik, so extremistische
und fundamentalistische Bewegungen, können nur in einem politischen Rahmen effektiv gekontert werden.
Denn über die geltende Rechtsordnung wird letztlich politisch entschieden. Hierbei spielen nicht nur
symbolische Politik-Formen, beispielsweise Demonstrationen, eine Rolle, sondern vor allem auch das
kenntnisreiche Verstehen von Politik und entsprechende politische Bildung. Informelle Verbotsnormen zum
Schutz freier Politik, so Political Correctness, und formelle Schutz-Normen des Staates, bilden dabei
ambivalente Governance-Formen. Werden sie überzogen eingesetzt, können sie nämlich allgemeine Freiheiten
und Rechte über Gebühr einschränken und damit selbst zu einer Gefahr für die Rechtsordnung werden.
Bewusste Rechtspolitik verlangt daher beides, externe wie interne Gefährdungen der Rechtsordnung
wahrzunehmen und zu kontern.
4.8 Optimale Infrastruktur zu schaffen und zu pflegen dürfte wohl die am meisten unterschätzte öffentliche
Aufgabe sein; denn ohne ausreichende Infrastruktur, zum Beispiel ohne öffentliche Plätze und Einrichtungen,
Verkehrs- und Transporteinrichtungen, Strukturen der Energieversorgung und öffentliche
Kommunikationstechnik kann keine (moderne) Gesellschaft funktionieren. Auch weittragende Entscheidungen
oder Nicht-Entscheidungen über derlei Strukturen werden aber traditionell primär als Angelegenheit von
Experten und öffentlicher Verwaltungen angesehen. Immerhin hat sich dieser Aufgabenbereich zumindest in
den entwickelten Ländern in hohem Maße politisiert - insbesondere sichtbar anhand anhaltender heftiger
Kontroversen über verkehrspolitische Projekte und energiepolitische Entscheidungen. Politik in ihrer
besonderen Bedeutung ist hier mehr denn je gefragt mit immer substantielleren Vorlagen für die öffentliche
Willensbildung und politische Entscheidungsprozesse.
4.9 Wirtschaftspolitik: Es gibt kaum einen Bereich, dessen politische Legitimation so umstritten ist wie die
Wirtschaftspolitik. Während Wirtschafts- und Finanzfragen in manchen Ländern traditionell dem Markt (also
den mächtigsten Wirtschafts- und Finanzunternehmen) überantwortet werden, erscheinen Staat und Experten
als selbstverständliche Regelinstanz in anderen Ländern. Dabei ist der hochpolitische Charakter dieser
Politikfelder seit langem überdeutlich. Während dieser Sachverhalt lange Zeit anhand einfacher KonfliktModelle, etwa anhand eines Klassenkampf-Modells zwischen Arbeitgeber-Interessen und Lohn-Interessen
(Angebots- und Nachfragepolitik) öffentlich beurteilt wurde, ist inzwischen klar, dass viele unterschiedliche
Zielparameter in dieses Politikfeld einfließen - siehe den optimalen Einsatz von Arbeit, Boden und Kapital
(Allokationsziele) sowie diverse Kriterien der Einkommens-, Vermögens-, Leistungsrechtigkeit (Verteilungsziele).
Spezielle Kriterien sind unter anderem Wettbewerbsschutz und -förderung, die allgemeine Versorgung mit
öffentlichen Gütern, Umweltschutz und Nachhaltigkeit, Stabilisierung von Beschäftigung und Preisniveau, die
Steigerung von Einkommen und Versorgung, steigende Anpassungsflexibilität und eine Angleichung regionaler
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Volker von Prittwitz, Rise or Decay of Political Affairs? May 24/June 21, 2016: www.diberlin.info
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Lohn-, Wohn- und Freizeitwerte. Diese unterschiedlichen Gesichtspunkte werden üblicherweise, wenn
überhaupt, jeweils für sich politisch diskutiert - siehe beispielsweise die Diskussion über das US-europäische
Angleichungsvorhaben TTIP.
4.10 Auch die Steuerpolitik und Finanzpolitik sind von großer wirtschaftspolitischer Bedeutung, eine der
zahlreichen Überschneidungen von Politikfeldern, reichen aber deutlich über die Wirtschaftspolitik hinaus. So
betrifft die Steuerpolitik Grundfragen im Verhältnis zwischen Staat und Bürgern, und die Finanzpolitik ist
gleichbedeutend mit allen Maßnahmen, die die Haushalte von Staat (nationalen Staaten, supranationalen
Organisationen, subnationalen Staaten, so den deutschen Ländern) und Kommunen betreffen.
4.11 Auch Kriminalitätsbekämpfung (Bekämpfung von Geldwäsche, Steuerhinterziehung, organisierter
Kriminalität, Einbruchkriminalität, politischer Kriminalität und des ganzen Spektrums von Gewaltverbrechen),
eine klassische Staatsfunktion, hat sich in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten deutlich politisiert. Vermittelt über
kritischen Journalismus, politische Initiativen und Bewegungen, Nichtgouvernementale Organisationen (NGOs)
und zunehmend das ganze Parteien-Spektrum werden diverse politische Aspekte von Kriminalitäts-Problemen
(Bedrohungen, gesellschaftliche und ökonomische Hintergründe, Güterabwägungen) öffentlich politisch
thematisiert.
4.12 Sozialpolitik: Im Unterschied zu anderen Politikfeldern mit langer staatlicher Tradition hat die Sozialpolitik
primär eine soziale Tradition. So galt das Helfen in der Form des Almosengebens von der Antike bis in die frühe
Neuzeit hinein als - meist religiös fundiertes - gutes Tun des Einzelnen ohne jede Verpflichtung. Erst mit dem
Aufkommen der Arbeiterbewegung und staatlich-politischen Befriedungsversuchen seit dem letzten Drittel des
19. Jahrhunderts entstand die moderne Sozialpolitik im Sinne staatlich festgelegter Maßnahmen zur
Verbesserung der wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Situation insbesondere benachteiligter gesellschaftlicher
Gruppen. Die daneben bestehende Tradition betrieblicher sozialpolitischer Maßnahmen lässt sich allerdings
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weiter zurückverfolgen, so etwa dem sozialen Bauprogramm der Augsburger Fuggerei (1521).
4.13 Die in den modernen Wohlfahrtsstaaten bestehenden sozialpolitischen Programme (ArbeitslosenProgramme, Rentenpolitik, Gesundheitspolitik) sind immer wieder Gegenstand kontroverser politischer
Willensbildungs- und Entscheidungsprozesse. Im internationalen Vergleich zeigen sich dabei unterschiedliche
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politische Kulturen, die Gegenstand der politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung sind.
4.14 Forschungs- und Bildungspolitik: Bildung, Forschung und Innovation sind von überragender Bedeutung für
die Zukunftsfähigkeit von Gesellschaften in der Moderne. Klassischer Adressat dieser Einsicht, die sich in
Mitteleuropa ausgehend von modernen Pädagogen bereits seit der Aufklärung im 18. Jahrhundert entwickelt
hat und inzwischen in Ländern aller Kontinente Widerhall findet, ist der Staat; Ihre Verbreitung und praktische
Umsetzung setzt aber entsprechende Bildungs- und Forschungspolitik, einer Tatsache, die erst zögerlich in das
öffentlich-politische Bewusstsein dringt.
4.15 Umweltpolitik und ökologische Nachhaltigkeit: Wie die moderne Sozialpolitik, so war auch die Umweltund Nachhaltigkeitspolitik historisch vor allem Produkt einer politischen Bewegung, der Umweltbewegung. Und
noch immer sind hier Wechselprozesse zwischen Alltags-Engagement, Experten, NichtverwaltungsOrganisationen (NGOs) und staatlichen Einrichtungen besonders intensiv. Dabei wird die Notwendigkeit, in
Mehrebenen-Systemen bis hin zur globalen Ebene zu denken und zu handeln, besonders deutlich.
4.16 Familien- und Gender-Fragen: Während Fragen der Familie und persönlicher Beziehungen in der
politischen Philosophie traditionell als politikextern oder sogar dem Bereich von Staat und Politik
entgegengesetzt gedacht wurden (Aristoteles, John Locke und andere), rücken inzwischen Regulierungsfragen
3
https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wirtschaftspolitik
https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fuggerei
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http://www.bpb.de/politik/innenpolitik/arbeitsmarktpolitik/55072/wohlfahrtsstaatliche-grundmodelle?p=all
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Volker von Prittwitz, Rise or Decay of Political Affairs? May 24/June 21, 2016: www.diberlin.info
im öffentlichen Umgang mit Familienversorgung, Sexualität und Geschlechterrollen zunehmend in den
Mittelpunkt politischer Kontroversen.
4.17 Spannungen zwischen Religion(en) und säkularer Herrschaft spielten in allen Zeiten neuerer menschlicher
Zivilisation eine Rolle - bis hin zu Religionskriegen und Verfolgungswellen von Religionsangehörigen der jeweils
falschen Konfession (Minderheitsproblematik). Mit zunehmender Globalisierung, in der Angehörige
unterschiedliche Kulturen mit unterschiedlichen Bezügen zur Moderne aufeinandertreffen, ergeben sich neue
Regulierungskonflikte: Während Religion in religionsdominierten Staatsformen durch Religionsministerien und
Religionspolizei herrschaftlich umgesetzt wird, bildet die offene Gesellschaft mit ihrer ausdifferenzierten
Politik im Besonderen (Religionsfreiheit) einen Regulierungsrahmen für unterschiedliche Religionen. Dabei sind
zivile und herrschaftsorientierte Religionen zu differenzieren und beides sicherzustellen, die freie Ausübung
von Religion und der Schutz der offenen Gesellschaft vor anachronistischen Herrschaftsformen - eine enorme
staatliche und politische Herausforderung. Denn nicht nur religionsbegründete Gewalt steht im Gegensatz zu
Verfassungsnormen der offenen Gesellschaft, sondern jede religiöse Herrschaft, so die Verankerung von
Praktiken der Scharia. Hier stoßen Moderne und Vormoderne aufeinander, eine enorme politische
Herausforderung.
5. Costs and efficiency of political affairs
Buildings of parliament and government, financial support for parties, salaries
for deputies, rents - politics implies costs. Beyond financial aspects,
psychological costs emerge in often complex processes of forming and
decision-making. That’s why political analysis has also to issue political costs
and their relation to political performance (efficiency).
6. Rise of politics
6.1 The term of evolution is prevailingly associated with Charles Darwin‘s
theory of natural selection and the biological history of species.6 Besides, there
is a spectrum of political-cultural theories of evolution - culminating in Niklas
Luhmann’s sociological system theory.7 Finally above all in Marxist terms, it has
been usual to confront evolution and revolution. At it, only revolution marked
an essential change while evolution stood for processes of reformistic
adaptation.
6.2 In declared contrast to the relativistic opinion that socio-cultural diversities
could not be qualitatively assessed, I take up the concept of evolution with the
term rise of politics. Accordingly developed politics renders characteristic
overvalue for society such as the opportunity of forming social will and
decision-making amongst diverse protected actors. On that way generally
6
Charles Darwin 1859: The Origin of Species: https://de.wikisource.org/wiki/Entstehung_der_Arten
Siehe zum Überblick: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soziokulturelle_Evolution; speziell Luhmann Niklas:
Theorie der Gesellschaft: Politik http://www.cs.unsyiah.ac.id/~frdaus/PenelusuranInformasi/File-Pdf/politik-der-gesellschaft.pdf
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Volker von Prittwitz, Rise or Decay of Political Affairs? May 24/June 21, 2016: www.diberlin.info
binding decisions that serve the public sake can come about - enabling peaceful
forms of integration.
6.3 Political evolution (rise of politics) takes place as process of functional
differentiation: While in premodern times politics took place mixed with other
societal functions such as the exertion of military conflicts (nobility as military
and political ruling class), religious power (ruling religion), or/and economic
power (the richest farmer as natural mayor), specifically political ways of
communication and interaction, particularly specific ways of political formation
of will and decision-making, rise with political evolution. Based on protecting
rights and freedoms of all involved actors, specific political systems come into
existence. Even without a formally institutionalized system of that type - see
international politics - specifically political procedures clearly differ from
military, religious, administrative, and economic processes.
6.4 That functional differentiation of political affairs corresponds with the
differentiation of other functional subsystems such as specific forms of law,
economy, administration, religion, or science. Since those subsystems meet
their specific main functions in a kind of division of labor, the sphere of politics
has to fulfill its specific main functions (building generally binding decisions
starting from competing actor motives) as much more. So far political evolution
constitutes a partial process of societal modernization.8
6.5 The differentiation of politics in particular, indeed, presupposes non-trivial
preconditions:
 There must be diverse actors (with relevant influence).9
 These actors must be interested in coming to jointly accepted decisions.
6.6 To what degree these preconditions exist influences the emergence of
politics fundamentally: If actors can realize their interests only together with
other competing actors, they try to come to jointly accepted binding decisions.
In contrast, if an actor is overly powerful, he or she does not need any
cooperation, and politics appears to be redundant for him.
8
So far I agree with Niklas Luhmann‘s system theory (1984: Niklas Luhmann, Soziale Systeme. Grundriß einer
allgemeinen Theorie, Frankfurt am Main 1984, new edition 2001). Basic ideas of societal differentation, indeed,
can also be understood in terms of increasing division of labor.
9
Tatu Vanhanen hat showed that basic connection as precondition of rising democracy and has built up a
corresponding Index of Power Resources - see: http://www.amazon.de/Process-Democratization-ComparativeStates-1980-88/dp/0844816418/ref=asap_bc?ie=UTF8
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Volker von Prittwitz, Rise or Decay of Political Affairs? May 24/June 21, 2016: www.diberlin.info
Hence the chances for political decision-making rise the more, the more
competitive actors interdepend on each other.
6.7 If there are distributed sources of influence in a society, further moments of
political evolution can come into existence, such as the norm of encountering
other actors with respect, basic values of principal equality and freedom as well
as the institutionalization of certain procedures of common decision-making.
Furtherly certain positional or helper interests of reproducing a given political
system can develop - see for instance the interests of political deputies to be
re-elected or the interest of a journalist to write and to sell an article.10
6.8 Capacity theory: Social systems principally aim for stabilizing and
reproducing themselves as well as possible. Accordingly they tend to disregard
or postpone problems that appear to be insolvable for them because public
awareness of such problems would bring up possibly existential political and
social conflicts. Problems that appear to be solvable, in contrast, are perceived
and constructively dealt with. 11 Hence, in tendency, increasing capabilities of
problem-solving imply growing political sensibility for socio-political problems
and the development of a differentiated apparatus of problem issuing and
problem management.
6.9 That’s why political evolution can accelerate based on growing efficiency of
society: The more capable a society becomes through functional
differentiation, the more it is able and interested to issue and to manage also
public problems of big scope and urgency to come (capacity theory).
Accordingly, primarily in developed welfare states, political affairs are
organized in policy-oriented resorts while low developed societies are used to
organizing political affairs primarily or only according to questions of getting
and stabilizing power such as military or religious affairs, control of security and
so forth.
10
Christian Welzel has made similar statements concerning the development of democracies - see: Welzel,
Christian 2002: Fluchtpunkt Humanentwicklung: Über die Grundlagen der Demokratie und die Ursachen ihrer
Ausbreitung. Westdeutscher Verlag, Opladen
11
Prittwitz, Volker von 1990: Das Katastrophenparadox. Elemente einer Theorie der Umweltpolitik, Opladen
(Leske+Budrich): http://www.amazon.de/Das-Katastrophenparadox-Elemente-TheorieUmweltpolitik/dp/3810008877; ders.: http://www.volkervonprittwitz.de/katastrophenparadox.htm
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Volker von Prittwitz, Rise or Decay of Political Affairs? May 24/June 21, 2016: www.diberlin.info
6.10 Altogether we see: A rise of politics does not only presuppose a general
process of functional differentiation in a society; it, rather, requires reciprocal
dependencies between diverse actors with competing interests. Once that
evolution has started, it may reinforce and stabilize itself via procedurally
produced effects. At it, increasing capacities of action and increasing sensibility
for public problems reinforce each other.
7. Political decay
7.1 Political decay denotes the loss of politics in particular. With that process
functional advantages of political evolution including political freedoms and
rights get lost - a fall back that can imply also the loss of other functional
specifics such as specific military, religious, or economic organizations and ways
of management. In the final analysis, political evolution can result in a breakdown of civil norms and civil war.
7.2 Disintegration: If actors are no longer interested in common decisionmaking with competing interests because they have achieved absolute power
or because they consider other actors to be enemies, a society is disintegrated a main cause of political devolution. The system of functionally differentiated
politics is also massively weakened if many people feel to be chanceless or
outcast.
7.3 Concrete factors of political decay result from stabile lobby power, religious
or economic dominion over political affairs, structures of feudal power, power
of criminal gangs and structures of corruption.
7.4 The Islamic State combines the logic of absolute power and extreme
violence with a religiously elevated historical turn back (to the seventh century)
and criminality. Indeed, it should not be ignored that logics of absolute power,
religious rule, and the rejection of any plurality are characteristic for many
other organizations and countries, too.
7.5 Defects and failures of politics in particular: The open society has brought
about many powerful welfare states; hence its devolution must be a result also
of internal defects and failures. Thus political systems often are not capable to
make their basic values clear and to entrench them socio-culturally. Popular
media, games, and form of enterprise are so far prevailingly dominated
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Volker von Prittwitz, Rise or Decay of Political Affairs? May 24/June 21, 2016: www.diberlin.info
through logics of absolute power and war. Journalists often do not understand
typical challenges of the open society - being oriented to power-centered ways
of thinking up to an at least latent adulation of historic mass murderers at
power such as Hitler, Stalin, or Mao Zedong.
7.5 If big differences of both incomes and assets arise and even further
increase in a society, the political system shows an almost suicidal weakness
towards existing power structures. If many people lose their jobs or are
dependent on earning their money in disrespected areas with extremely low
salaries, they feel being outcast and disrespected - political feed for strategists
and propagandists of pre-modern models of society.
7.6 Isolating oneself and taking over national, nationalistic, or even racist ways
of thinking is no help - in the contrary: Who looks only till the own borders,
considers everything outside of these borders to be a potential threat or even
an enemy - a typical pattern of political devolution that leads to economic
decrease and war fever. Who hopes on a magic savior practically chooses the
logic of absolute power and war.
7.7 In contrast, civil modernity is capable to save and to strengthen its
freedoms and enormous capacities by political evolution - provided its citizens
are willing to.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Author: Prof. Dr. Volker von Prittwitz Freie Universität Berlin: www.volkervonprittwitz.de
Institute for Political Analysis: www.diberlin.info
E-Mail: [email protected]
Statements, critiques, and suggestions are welcome.12
12
I am grateful for constructive hints by Christian Hey.
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