Global East Asia Volume 2 Edited by Chun-chieh Huang Advisory Board: Roger Ames (Hawaii), Don Baker (Columbia), Carl Becker (Kyoto), Michael Friedrich (Hamburg), David Jones (Kennesaw), Bent Nielsen (Copenhagen), Jörn Rüsen (Essen), Kirill O. Thompson (Taipei), John Tucker (Carolina), Ann Waltner (Minnesota) The volumes of this series are peer-reviewed. Yoshihiro Nikaidō Asian Folk Religion and Cultural Interaction With numerous figures V&R unipress National Taiwan University Press This book series is subsidized in part by, and published in cooperation with, the Institute for Advanced Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences, National Taiwan University. ® MIX Papier aus verantwortungsvollen Quellen www.fsc.org FSC® C083411 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available online: http://dnb.d-nb.de. ISBN 978-3-8471-0485-8 (Print, without Asia Pacific) ISBN 978-986-350-103-9 (Print, Asia Pacific only) ISBN 978-3-8470-0485-1 (e-book) ISBN 978-3-7370-0485-5 (V&R eLibrary) You can find alternative editions of this book and additional material on our website: www.v-r.de © 2015, V&R unipress GmbH, Robert-Bosch-Breite 6, 37079 Göttingen, Germany / www.v-r.de © 2015 by National Taiwan University Press, Taipei, Taiwan All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without prior written permission from the publisher. Printed in Germany. Cover image: Zhaobao Qilang Daquan (Kōgaku-ji, Fukushima) Printed and bound by CPI buchbuecher.de GmbH, Zum Alten Berg 24, 96158 Birkach, Germany. Printed on aging-resistant paper. Contents Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Section I: Cultural Interaction and Sinitic Gods in Japanese Buddhist Temples Chapter 1: Temple Guardian Gods in the Sino-Japanese Five Mountain Temple System and Cultural Interaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Arrival of the Temple Guardian Gods 伽藍神 (Jialanshen/Garanjin) in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Zhaobao Qilang as the God of the Sea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Daquan Bodhisattva in Zen Temples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. Zhaobao Qilang Daquan 招宝七郎大権 as Seen in Popular Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. Remaining Traces of Belief in Qilang in China . . . . . . . . . . . . 6. Shichirō Gongen (Qilang Quanxian) 七郎権現 in Hirado, Kyushu . 7. Decline in Belief in Zhaobao Qilang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8. Genesis of Cishan Zhang Dadi 祠山張大帝 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9. Zhang Dadi as a Temple Guardian God 伽藍神 and as a Water God 水神 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10. Decline in Belief in Cishan Zhang Dadi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11. Kannō Shisha (Ganying Shizhe) 感応使者 and Shōbo Hangan 掌簿 判官 (Magistrate Zhangpo) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12. Dragon King Guangze 広沢龍王 and Dragon King Taibai 太白龍王 13. Temple Guardian Gods at Kenchō-ji 建長寺 and Jufuku-ji 寿福寺 . 14. Baihe Dadi 白鶴大帝 and Dongyue Dadi 東嶽大帝 (the Emperor Lord of Mt. Tai) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15. Shanwang Zhenjun 山王真君 and Wang Zijin 王子晋 . . . . . . . . 16. Transmission of the Sacred Relic of the Tooth of Budda 仏牙 (Danta Dhātuya) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 18 21 24 27 31 35 37 41 47 50 51 54 58 63 65 68 6 Contents 17. Temple Guardian Gods and Cultural Interaction . . . . . . . . . . . Chapter 2: Temple Guardian Gods of the Ōbaku School of Zen Buddhism and Cultural Interaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Temple Guardian Gods at the Ōbaku 黄檗 Zen Temple Manpuku-ji 萬福寺 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Wutong 五通神 and Wuxian 五顕神 Gods (Gods of Wealth) . . . . 3. Origins of Huaguang Dadi 華光大帝 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. Huaguang as Seen in Popular Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. Ma Yuanshuai Huaguang 馬元帥華光 as Seen in Daoist Sutras . . . 6. Decline in Belief in Huaguang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. From Ma Lingguan 馬霊官 to Wang Lingguan 王霊官 . . . . . . . 8. The State of Belief in Huaguang Today . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9. Evolution of Huaguang Statues in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10. Huaguang Dadi and Cultural Interaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chapter 3: Cultural Interaction: Myōken Bosatsu 妙見神 and the God Zhenwu 真武 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Syncretism and Development of Asian Deities in Japan . . . . . . . 2. The God Myōken 妙見神 and Zhenwu Dadi 真武大帝 . . . . . . . 3. Changes in the Image of the God Myōken . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. The God Myōken and Prince Imseong 琳聖太子 . . . . . . . . . . . 5. The God Myōken and Generalissimo (Taishōgun) 大将軍 Kōjin 荒 神. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6. Cultural Interaction As Seen in the God Myōken . . . . . . . . . . . Chapter 4: Differences and Cultural Interaction between the Japanese and Chinese Bodhisattva Ksitigarbha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Discrepancies in Forms of Belief in Ksitigarbha (C.: Dizang; J:Jizō) Bodhisattva . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Statues of Ksitigarbha in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Mount Jiuhua, Ksitigarbha Boddhisatva, and 金喬覚 Kim Gyo-gak (Jin Qiaojue) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. The Biography of the Silla Monk Seok Ji-jang . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva as Seen in the Dizang Baojuan 地蔵宝巻 . 6. Various Temples on Mount Jiuhua Today . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. Belief in Flesh Body Bodhisattvas and Ksitigarbha’s Beast of Burden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8. Cultural Interaction and Changes in Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva . . . . 72 75 75 77 82 87 94 97 100 102 108 113 115 115 115 117 122 124 128 129 129 130 134 140 145 146 152 154 7 Contents Section II: Travels and Cultural Interaction of the Gods in Asia Chapter 1: Temples and Cultural Interaction in Taiwan and Singapore . 1. The Sinitic Temples of Taiwan and Singapore . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. The Various Temples of Fujian and Guangdong . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Differences in Temple Configuration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. Bao’an Gong 保安宮 and Baosheng Dadi 保生大帝 in Taipei . . . . 5. Enshrined Deities Other than Bao’an Gong 保安宮 . . . . . . . . . 6. Two Progenitor Temples for Baosheng Dadi . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. Min Nan Temples in Singapore . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8. Evolution of Kaizhang Shengwang Belief . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9. Guangze Zunwang and Hong San See Temple . . . . . . . . . . . . 10. Spread of Belief in Jiuli Hu 九鯉湖 Xian (Immortals of Lake Jiuli) . 11. Baima Zunwang 白馬尊王 in the Matsu Islands 馬祖 . . . . . . . . 12. Sanshan Guowang 三山国王廟 Temples in Taiwan . . . . . . . . . 13. Taiwan’s Shuyuan Academies 書院 and Wenchang Dijun 文昌帝君 14. Wenchang Dijun 文昌帝君 and Wu Wenchang 五文昌 . . . . . . . 15. Wenchang Gong 文昌宮 and Shuyuan 書院 in the Taipei Vicinity . 16. Migrating Deities and Cultural Interaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 159 162 164 166 171 174 176 177 182 184 187 190 191 195 197 200 Chapter 2: Sinitic Gods and Cultural Interaction in Nagasaki and Okinawa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. The Sinitic Gods of Nagasaki and Okinawa . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Milieu in which the Tō-dera Were Constructed . . . . . . . . . 3. The Various Deities Enshrined in Tō-dera Temples . . . . . . Kōfuku-ji 興福寺 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fukusai-ji 福済寺 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sōfuku-ji 崇福寺 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Shōfuku-ji 聖福寺 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. Renovation of Sōfuku-ji 崇福寺 and Maso Hall 媽祖堂 . . . . 5. Goteidō 五帝堂 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6. Deities Enshrined at Fukusai-ji 福済寺 and Kōfuku-ji 興福寺 7. Temples in the Old City of Kumemura 久米村 in Naha 那覇 . 8. Deities Enshrined at Tenson Temple 天尊廟 . . . . . . . . . . 9. Sinitic Deities and Cultural Interaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 203 204 206 206 207 207 207 210 212 216 217 221 227 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Contents Foreword This book discusses numerous temples and shrines of Sinitic origin through the methodology of cultural interaction. The subjects of analysis are several Daoist and Buddhist gods, folk gods, and Bodhisattvas, but nearly all are limited to gods that were transmitted and deified outside the Chinese continent, or were introduced from other regions and syncretized. In the first section, “Cultural Interaction and Sinitic Gods in Japanese Buddhist Temples,” I consider mainly the deities and Bodhisattvas that were introduced to Japan. In Chapter 1 of Section I, “Temple Guardian Gods in the Sino-Japanese Five Mountain System and Cultural Interaction,” I discuss such temple guardian gods as Zhaobao Qilang Dadi and Cishan Zhang Dadi, which arrived in Kamakura-period Japan from Southern Song China, and later came to be deified as part of the Five Mountain system. In contrast to Japan, belief in these gods later waned in China. Huaguang Dadi (Kakō Taitei), treated in Chapter 2, “Temple Guardian Gods of the Ōbaku School of Zen Buddhism and Cultural Interaction,” arrived in Japan at the beginning of the Edo period together with the Ōbaku School of Zen Buddhism. Statues of these temple guardian gods were later built throughout Japan, but their origin has been forgotten. Belief in Huaguang declined in China during the Qing period. In Chapter 3, “Cultural Interaction: Myōken Bosatsu and the God Zhenwu,” I analyze how Zhenwu Daodi was transformed from the Daoist deity Xuanwu of antiquity to becoming an object of worship in Japan after syncretizing with Myōken Bosatsu. In Chapter 4, “Differences and Cultural Interaction between the Japanese and Chinese Bodhisattva Ksitigarbha,” I examine the profoundly different images of Ksitigarbha in China and Japan as well as how the gods are deified. I also discuss Mt. Jiuhua, which is currently the center of Ksitigarbha in modern China. In Section II, “Travels and Cultural Interaction of the Gods in Asia,” I discuss the process by which Sinitic gods were transmitted to regions outside of the Chinese continent and subsequently became objects of worship in various areas of Asia. 10 Foreword In Chapter 1 of Section II, “Temples and Cultural Interaction in Taiwan and Singapore,” I consider the gods worshipped in the current temples of Taiwan and Singapore as a basis upon which to examine the origins of belief in the Fujian and Guangdong regions. The gods discussed in this chapter include Baosheng Dadi, Kaizhang Shenwang, and Guangze Zunwang. In Chapter 2 of this section, “Sinitic Gods and Cultural Interaction in Nagasaki and Okinawa,” I analyze still extant Sinitic temples such as Chinese temples in Nagasaki and the Shisei Confucian Temple in Naha, Okinawa. Other scholars have, of course, also researched these deities; this book could not have been written without their seminal work. The methodology of cultural interaction studies, however, is new and should provide fresh insights into the field. Take, for example, Zhaobao Qilang, covered in Chapter 1, Section I. This god was a popular object of worship from the Song through the Yuan periods in the Zhejiang region, and arrived in Japan during the Kamakura period as part of the Five Mountain culture. Belief in this deity subsequently waned in China, and now there are almost no traces of temples to this god remaining in China. Consequently, there has been no research done on Zhaobao Qilang from the perspectives of Daoism or folk religion. Rather, research has been conducted within the paradigms of Zen Buddhism, art history, or Sino-Japanese intercultural history. Scholarship on Zhaobao Qilang is also found in works on popular Chinese literature. The point here is that research has extended over many fields. I believe that in order to research a deity of this character it is necessary to analyze the subject by using the inclusive approach of cultural interaction studies. I personally believe that the advantage of cultural interaction studies is that it encompasses pluralistic approaches to scholarship and fieldwork. To use the example of Zhaobao Qilang again, written records are nearly non-existent; all that remains are statues in Japanese Zen Buddhist temples and some remnants in Chinese temples. There are even cases in which the monks themselves do not know the identity of this god. This phenomenon compelled me to visit the temples in question myself to verify the identity of the statues. Fortunately, there was still a statue of Zhaobao Qilang at Ayuwang Temple in Ningbo, China. It had mistakenly been identified as a statue of King Asoka. Thus, one of the most crucial methodologies involved in cultural interaction studies is to match written records with on-site investigations. I also felt that electronic repositories were essential to my research. As mentioned earlier, cultural interaction studies require research that cuts across various fields, but if there are many divergent fields involved, the amount of documentation naturally becomes overwhelming. It is also quite difficult to search for materials outside of one’s area of expertise. In order to address this problem, it is necessary to process large amounts of data in a short period using available electronic tools. To return again to the example of Zhaobao Qilang, I was able to Foreword 11 ascertain through searching Kansai University’s repository, the Database of Chinese Classic Ancient Books (Zhongguo Jiben Gujiku, that there was reference to the deity in an anthology by a Song period literati. Such a discovery would have been impossible without recourse to the database. Of course, problems arise when one uses the search engine without due circumspection. Section I: Cultural Interaction and Sinitic Gods in Japanese Buddhist Temples Chapter 1: Temple Guardian Gods in the Sino-Japanese Five Mountain Temple System and Cultural Interaction Sino-Japanese Buddhist cultural interaction flourished from the Song (960–1279) through the Yuan (1271–1368) dynasties. Eisai 栄西 (1141–1215) and Dōgen 道 元 (1200–1253) visited Song China, and after their return to Japan started the Rinzai 臨済宗 and Sōtō 曹洞宗 Schools of Zen, respectively. Shunjō 俊芿 (1166– 1227), Tankai 湛海 (1629–1716) and many other Japanese monks also visited Song China, while many famous Chinese monks, such as Lanxi Daolong/Rankei Dōryū 蘭渓道隆 (1213–1278) and Wuxue Zuyuan/Mugaku Sogen 無学祖元 (1226–1286) visited Japan. In spite of the Mongol invasions of Japan that occurred in 1274 and 1281, Sino-Japanese Buddhist interaction continued to thrive. This era is considered remarkable in terms of East Asian cultural interaction.1 The contemporary name for the famous temples in southern China was Wushan (Five Mountains), a designation upon which the Kyoto Gozan (Five Mountains) and Kamakura Gozan in Japan were modeled. The five mountain temples in China are: Jingshan 径山寺, Lingyin 霊隠寺, and Jingci Temples 浄慈寺 in Hangzhou, and Tiantong 天童寺 and Ayuwang Temples 阿育王寺 in Ningbo. PHOTO 1.1 現在の杭州浄慈寺山門 Front Gate, Jingci Buddhist Temple in Hangzhou Today 1 See the selection of essays “Nippon to Sōgen no Kaikō” 日本と宋元の邂逅, Ajia yūgaku アジ ア遊学, Vol. 122 (Bensei Shuppan 勉誠出版, 2009). 16 Temple Guardian Gods in the Sino-Japanese Five Mountain Temple System PHOTO 1.2 現在の杭州霊隠寺大雄宝殿 Main Hall, Lingyin Buddhist Temple in Hangzhou Today The Japanese Five Mountain Buddhist temples changed over time, but in general the Kyoto Gozan temples consist of Tenryū-ji 天龍寺, Shōgoku-ji 相国 寺, Kennin-ji 建仁寺, Tōfuku-ji 東福寺, and Manju-ji 万寿寺. Nanzen-ji 南禅寺 is positioned “above the Gozan,” as it is considered exceptional. The Kamakura Gozan are: Kenchō-ji 建長寺, Engaku-ji 円覚寺, Jufuku-ji 寿福寺, Jōchi-ji 浄智 寺, and Jōmyō-ji 浄妙寺. An additional ten large Buddhist temples are designated the Wushan Shicha 五山十刹. There is reference to these Buddhist temples in Lang Ying’s 郎瑛 (1487–1566) chronicle, Qixiu leigao 七修類稿.2 Jingshan, Lingyin, and Jingci Temples in Yuhang 余杭 [Zhejiang], Tiantong and Ayuwang Temple in Ningbo are called Chanyuan Wushan 禅院五山 (The Chan Monasteries of the Five Mountains). Further, the Zhongdu Temple 中竺寺 in Qiantang 銭塘 [Shanxi]; Daochang Temple 道場寺 in Huzhou; Jiangxin Temple 江心寺 in Wenzhou; Shuanglin Temple 双林寺 in Jinhua; Xuedou Temple 雪竇寺 in Ningbo; Guoqing Temple 国清寺 in Taizhou; Xuefeng Temple 雪峰寺 in Fuzhou; Linggu Temple 霊谷寺 in Jiankang; and Wanshou 万寿寺 and Huqin Temples 虎丘寺 in Suzhou are the Chanyuan Shicha 禅院十刹 [Ten Chan Temples]. This type of classification of Buddhist temples is thought to have occurred during the period of Emperor Ningzong 寧宗 (r. 1194–1224) of the Southern Song era, but is not considered to have been a system employed by the court. Various debates about the classification system seem to have continued in later eras.3 It is also known that Sennyū-ji Temple 泉涌寺, which had a close relationship with 2 Lang Ying 郎瑛, Qixiu leigao 七修類稿, Vol. 5, Item on Five Mountains and Ten Mountains 五 山十刹 of Heaven and Earth. I used Kansai University’s Chinese classics repository, Chūgoku kihon kosekiko, to search for the same materials. Original text: 余杭径山、銭塘霊隠・浄慈、 寧波天童・育王等寺、為禅院五山。銭塘中竺、湖州道場、温州江心、金華双林、寧 波雪竇、台州国清、福州雪峰、建康霊谷、蘇州万寿・虎丘、為禅院十刹. 3 For reference, see: Zhang Shiqin 張十慶, Wushan shichatu-Nansong Jiangnan Chansi 五山十 刹図 － 南宋江南禅寺, (Dongnan Daxue Chubanshe 東南大学出版社, 2000), pp. 18–20. Temple Guardian Gods in the Sino-Japanese Five Mountain Temple System 17 PHOTO 1.3 現在の京都相国寺法堂 Lecture Hall at Kyoto’s Shōgoku-ji Temple Today Shunjō, was greatly influenced by the temples of the Southern Song.4 The Five Mountain System in China changed dramatically in later years. Today what awaits the visitor to Linggu Temple or Tiantong Temple in terms of the temple’s structure, including the temple gate, Heavenly King’s Hall 天王殿, and Main Hall 大雄宝殿, are architectural styles that date from the Ming period. Even in Japan, most of the Gozan temples have also been rebuilt repeatedly, their architectural styles now changed from the original Chinese Wushan temple system. PHOTO 1.4 現在の京都東福寺三門 Gate of Kyoto’s Tōfuku-ji Today In this era, when interaction with the Wushan flourished, China’s Daoist and folk gods were introduced to Japan along with Buddhist culture. Of course, such examples were prevalent in the Tang period as well. The Sekisan Myōjin and Shinra Myōjin shrines are two such well-known examples.5 In this chapter I will be discussing the temple guardian gods 伽藍神 that arrived in Japan during the Song and Yuan periods. I will conduct my analysis 4 See: Hakozaki Kazuhisa 箱崎和久, “Sennyūji garan ni miru Nansō kenchiku bunka 泉涌寺伽 藍にみる南宋建築文化 ” in Ajia Yūgaku アジア遊学, Vol. 122, pp. 54–63. 5 Oishio Chihiro 追塩千尋, “Nihon to ikoku no kami ni tsuite 日本と異国の神について － そ の機能面を中心に – sono kinōmen o chūshin ni” in Ajia Yūgaku アジア遊学, Vol. 122, pp. 64–72. 18 Temple Guardian Gods in the Sino-Japanese Five Mountain Temple System based on Buddhist studies, East Asian history, and Japanese art history, as well as from the perspective of intercultural interaction studies. 1. Arrival of the Temple Guardian Gods 伽藍神 (Jialanshen/Garanjin) in Japan First, what exactly are temple guardian gods? To begin with, jialan is an abbreviated phonetic transcription of the Sanskrit word Samghārāma, meaning ˙ Buddhist monastery.6 It is used to refer to Buddhist temples and the buildings of which they are comprised. These gods have the role of guarding the area around temples. They are also called hujialan shen/gogaranjin 護伽藍神. There were originally chenghuangshen 城隍神 district guardian gods and tudishen 土地神 earth gods in China. The chenghuang gods guarded urban areas, whereas the tudi gods protected villages. There is a bureaucracy in the Chinese netherworld, so certain gods are designated to manage each area of the country. In these areas there are also mountain gods and river gods. To give an example, Dongyue Dadi 東嶽大帝 (the Emperor Lord of Mt. Tai) is enshrined on Mt. Tai in Shandong Province, while the gods who manage the four seas are the dragon king brothers surnamed Ao 敖. Today in the Sinitic world jialan temple guardian gods refer first and foremost to Emperor Guan 関帝 (Guandi), that is, Saint Emperor Guan 関聖帝君 (Guansheng Dijun). It is possible to see in Chinese temples everywhere today Emperor Guan is enshrined as a temple guardian god or as a Bodhisattva temple guardian god 伽藍菩薩. Even the Tibetan Buddhist temple that is most wellknown in Beijing – Yonghe Temple 雍和宮 – has Emperor Guan as its temple guardian. It isn’t only at Buddhist temples that Emperor Guan is enshrined; he is also enshrined in many large-scale Daoist and Confucian temples in the form of a Bodhisattva temple guardian. This has become a ubiquitous phenomenon that can be seen in both northern and southern China today. Deification of Emperor Guan as a temple guardian didn’t begin to become popular until the Ming and Qing periods, however. It is conjectured that there was much more variety in temple guards before the Ming. What gives an idea of this are the temple guardian artifacts that can be seen everywhere in Japanese Buddhist culture. To begin with, Japan is considered to have been influenced from ancient times by China’s temple guardians; it has traditionally been thought that there were gods who protected temples. For example, Gozu Tennō 牛頭天王 is the guardian god at Yasaka Shrine 八坂神社 in Kyoto, made famous by the Gion 6 See the entry garan 伽藍 on page 233 in Oda Tokunō 織田得能 Oda Bukkyō daijiten 織田仏教 大辞典 (Okura Shuppan 大蔵出版 1954). Arrival of the Temple Guardian Gods 伽藍神 (Jialanshen/Garanjin) in Japan 19 PHOTO 1.5 福建湄洲島媽祖廟の伽藍菩薩（関帝） Bodhisattva Temple Guardian (Emperor Guan), Mazu Temple, Meizhou Island, Fujian festival, while the god Sannō Gongen 山王権現 protects Mt. Hiei. It is also thought that the chinju 鎮守 land and building guardian gods that remain everywhere throughout Japan were influenced by temple guardian gods. Further, the Japanese Buddhist priest Jōjin 成尋 (1011–1181), who journeyed to China during the Northern Song period, left an invaluable record of the conditions of temples during the Song in his chronicle, San Tendai Godai sanki 参天台五台山記 (Chronicle of Visiting Mt. Tiantai and Mt. Wutai). The contemporary temple guardian gods in the chronicle include Wang Zijin, deemed the land guardian god at Guoqing Temple 国清寺; Dongyue Dadi 東嶽大帝 (the Emperor Lord of Mt. Tai); Wutong 五通神, God of Wealth; Baihe Lingwang 白鶴 霊王 (White Crane Spirit King); and Pingshui Dawang 平水大王 (Great King of the Pacific Waters).7 At this time, the Kamakura Gozan and Kyoto Gozan temples were nearly exact replicas of those of China’s Wushan. As a result, the guardian temple gods enshrined at China’s Wushan temples were introduced into Japan without alteration. These gods are still the guardian god statues of such temples as Kenchō-ji 建長寺 and Jufuku-ji 寿福寺 in Kamakura; and Kennin-ji 建仁寺, Shōkoku-ji 相国寺, Tōfuku-ji 東福寺, and Sennyū-ji 泉涌寺 in Kyoto. That is, they are the guardian gods Jōhō Shichirō Daigen Shuri Bodhisattva (Bodhisattva Zhaobao Qilang Daquan Xiuli 招寶七郎大權修理菩薩, Shisanchō Taitei (Cishan Zhang Dadi) 祠山張大帝, Shōbo Hangan 掌簿判官 (Magistrate Zhangpo) and Kannō shisha(Ganying Shizhe) 感応使者. In China, on the other hand, faith in most of these gods has waned, and few are enshrined in temples today. Perhaps it is for that reason that they have received 7 An account of Wang Zijin can be found on page 13, Vol.1 of Jōjin’s 成尋 San Tendai Godai sanki 参天台五台山記, June 4, 107 reprinted in Dai Nippon Bukkyō zensho 大日本仏教全書, Vol. 115 (Daihō Rinkaku 大法輪閣 2007 On-demand reprints). The names Dongyue Dadi 東嶽 大帝, Pingshui Dawang 平水大王, Wutongshen 五通神, and Baihe Lingwang 白鶴霊王 appear in the entry for the eighth day of the seventh month of the leap year, Vol. 2, page 36. 20 Temple Guardian Gods in the Sino-Japanese Five Mountain Temple System almost no attention in studies on Daoism and folk religion in China. In Japan, most references to these gods have been from the standpoints of research on Zen and Japanese art. The person who brought attention to temple guardian gods was the Edo period Rinzai Buddhist priest, Mujaku Dōchū 無著道忠 (1653–1745). Dōchū wrote in detail about the temple gods in his work, Zenrin shōkisen 禅林象 器箋. The text is still a primary source for studying such temple guardian gods as Zhaobao Qilang.8 PHOTO 1.6 鎌倉建長寺の伽藍神 Temple Guardian Gods at Kenchō-ji, Kamakura9 Further, most research from the perspective of Japanese art history has been done on the temple guardian gods at Kenchō-ji and Tōfuku-ji. Asami Ryūsuke 浅 見龍介 analyzes the position of the temple gods as follows: Of the statues enshrined at Zen temples, the most unusual are the temple guard statues. Being Chinese folk religion Daoist gods that came to be enshrined at Buddhist temples, the crown, robes, and footwear all have unique shapes. Few samples from the feudal period are extant; there are many unknown points about their names and functions. The reasons for this phenomenon are that few ancient samples are extant in China, and being marginal gods that are not even listed in Daoist sutras, they have strong elements of folk religion. Originally called the earth god, Tudishen 土地神, they were gods of the land in all parts of China. In many cases they seem to have been people who did much public good in their lifetimes and are venerated after death for their achievements. It is thought that the gods incorporated into Zen temples were the earth gods of Hangzhou and Mingzhou.10 8 I used Mujaku Dōchū’s Zenrin shōkisen 禅林象器箋 that is printed in Zengaku sōsho 禅学叢 書, edited by Yanagida Seizan 柳田聖山 (Chūbun Shuppansha 中文出版社, 1990). 9 Photo from Kamakura: Zen no genryū 鎌倉 － 禅の源流, (Kamakura: The Origins of Zen, illustrated history book), Tokyo Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan, ed., 東京国立博物館 2003, pp. 140–141. 10 Asami Ryūsuke 浅見龍介, Zenshū no chōkoku 禅宗の彫刻 in Nihon no bijutsu 日本の美術, No. 507 (Shibundō 至文堂, 2008), p. 63. I also received valuable information directly from the head of the temple office at Kenchō-ji, Takai Shōshun 高井正俊, about the temple’s guardian gods. 21 Zhaobao Qilang as the God of the Sea As Asami points out, many of the temple gods are thought to have been popular objects of worship at the time, but today such worship has waned, and in many cases even the names of the gods are unclear. PHOTO 1.7 現在の鎌倉建長寺門前 Front Gate of Today’s Kenchō-ji Temple, Kamakura For example, even if one visits Hangzhou or Ningbo (Mingzhou) today, there are almost no Zhaobao Qilang statues or other gods left to see in Confucian or Daoist temples. Thus, the five temple guardian god statues at Kamakura’s Kenchō-ji are considered quite valuable as sources of past forms. Yet there are still no definite designations that define the nature or even the names of these five gods. Next I will analyze each of the temple guardian gods by providing an overview of research that has been done on them so far. 2. Zhaobao Qilang as the God of the Sea First I will consider Zhaobao Qilang Daquan Xiuli 招宝七郎大権修利. Belief in this god in China has waned to such an extent that the name is hardly known at all today. There is also such a scarcity of documentation on this god in Daoist and folk religion studies that it has received almost no attention. It is thought, however, that at one time this god was the object of great faith, mainly in the Ningbo (Mingzhou) area. Statues of this god are so unique that they can be recognized at a glance. Such statues strike the pose of gazing into the distance, one hand raised high in front of the forehead. The Daigon (Daquan) statues at Eihei-ji 永平寺 in Fukui, Jufuku-ji 寿福寺 and Kakuon-ji 覚園寺 in Kamakura, and Shōkoku-ji 相国寺 in Kyoto have just this pose. Further, their robes and crowns are exactly like those of Wang Houfeng 王侯風 in China. Mujaku Dōchū seems to have thought of Daquan Xiuli and Zhaobao Qilang as two separate gods. In the Zenrin shōkisen 禅林象器箋 there are two separate entries for Zhaobao Qilang and Daquan Xiuli. Dōchū says of Daquan Xiuli: 22 Temple Guardian Gods in the Sino-Japanese Five Mountain Temple System PHOTO 1.8 招宝七郎大権（福島広覚寺） Zhaobao Qilang Daquan (Kōgaku-ji, Fukushima) What Dōchū thinks is that there is a statue with its right hand aloft looking into the distance, and that this is Daquan Xiuli. It is a Dharmapala 護法神 of the Ayuwang (Asoka) Mountain 阿育王山 in China. It is a mistake to write shūri 修利 as shūri 修理 … There are times when the gods who protect stupas are called Daquan Xiuli and Zhaobao Qilang … What I think is that there is an earth god called Yushigong 遇師公, which is a different appellation for Daquan … According to tradition, the eastern side of Asoka Mountain faces the ocean, and everyone sailing the seas looked up at it, entreating the Daquan Bodhisattva to protect them. It is said that the reason that Daquan Bodhisattva has a palm raised is that it is looking far into the distance and protecting sailing vessels.11 He also says of Zhaobao Qilang: At temples of the Caodong 曹洞宗 (Sōtō) school of Buddhism, Zhaobao Qilang is enshrined as the earth god, Tudi 土地神. When Dōgen Bikkhu returned to Japan, Zhaobao Qilang changed concomitantly in form and became a Dharmapala 護法神. According to another person, originally there was only the one god Daquan Xiuli. “Daquan Xiuli” was his title; his original name was “Zhaobao Qilang.” Zhaobao Mountain 招宝山 is part of the Mao mountain ridge 鄮峰. The god that is enshrined there is of that name, and Qilang is probably of that lineage. I do not believe this assertion. I think this assertion should be reconsidered … Also, the following has been transmitted according to the Eihei Dōgen oshō gyōjō 永平道元和尚行状 (Eihei Reverend Master Dōgen’s Record of Daily Conduct): In the winter of 1227, when the hawser was untied and the boat was about to sail, the weather turned cold, and suddenly a god materialized amidst the snow flurries. When the Zen priest Dōgen 道元禅師 asked, “What manner of god are you?” the god answered, “I 11 Mujaku Dōchū’s 無著道忠 Zenrin shōkisen 禅林象器箋, op.cit., pp. 178–179. Original text: 忠 曰、右手加額為遠望勢像、是也. 大唐唐阿育王山護法神矣。修利或謬作修理、非 … 又云、其護塔之神曰大権修利菩薩 … 忠曰、遇師公、蓋土地神名、修利別称呼 … 忠 曰、伝説育王山臨東大海、渡海者毎望山祈穏済於此神、而大権加額者、遙望其舩保 護之状也. Zhaobao Qilang as the God of the Sea 23 am Zhaobao Qilang.” The god knew that the Zen priest was wearing the ancestral crest and was returning home. The god had appeared because it would have to protect the true dharma according to the Zen priest’s orders. When the Zen priest acceded, Zhaobao Qilang transformed into a white snake of just four inches, and concealing itself in the priest’s sack, crossed the sea to Japan.12 Dōgen explains that Daquan Xiuli was a tutelary god of Ayuwang Temple 阿育王 寺, and that its hand was raised to its brow in order to protect those who cross the seas. Dōgen also related the legend that Zhaobao Qilang had transformed into a snake at the time Dōgen returned to Japan. Dōgen also proposes the idea that Daquan Xiuli and Zhaobao Qilang were two separate gods. Actually, although Daquan and Zhaobao Qilang are thought to have slightly different characters, they both function as sea gods; it is probably appropriate to consider them one and the same god. The modern scholar who very early on pointed out the importance of this god was Tsukamoto Zenryū 塚本善隆 (1898–1980). Tsukamoto noted the references recorded in the travelogue, San Tendai Godai sanki 参天台 五台山記, written by Jōjin 成尋, and deduced the following: ( Jōjin) venerated the sixteen life-sized Luohan and 500 three-foot statues at Luohan Temple 羅漢院, and when he entered the dining hall, he did a burnt offering to Qilangtian 七郎天 … Who was Qilangtian? He was probably a local spirit immortal 神仙 that Jōjin later wrote of as Pingshui Dawang 平水大王 … The faith that these local people had toward the newly created Pingshui Dawang, or Zhou Qilang 周七郎, is conjectured to have been great … It’s possible that there is a relationship between this god and the Shōhō Shichirō 招宝七郎 worshiped at cave entrances in our country.13 Based on Tsukamoto’s observations, Wang Liping 王麗萍 has analyzed Pingshui Dawang, that it, Qilangtian 七郎天, from the standpoint of Sino-Japanese intercultural exchange in the Song period.14 The document Jiading chicheng shanzhi 嘉定赤城山志 is quoted, and as expected, from it Zhaobao Qilang can be understood as having been a god of the sea: 12 Ibid., p. 180. Original text: 洞家諸刹、所祀土地称為招宝七郎。道元和尚帰朝時、潜形 随来護法。或云、亦是大権而已、大権修利是封号、本名招宝七郎、招宝山在鄮峰、 此神祠于此、七郎蓋行第乎。忠謂此未輒信、可更攷。（略） 永平道元和尚行状云、 宝慶三年冬、解纜発舶、天寒白雪霏霏、忽有化神現前。師云汝何神、曰我是招宝七 郎、知師佩祖印還郷、願相随護正法。師嘆曰汝若然。須現小身、神乃為白虵三寸 許、入鉢囊而屈蟠. 13 Tsukamoto Zenryū 塚本善隆 Collected Works, “Jōjin no nyūsō ryōkōki ni miru Nicchū Bukkyō no shōchō” 成尋の入宋旅行記に見る日中仏教の消長 in Nicchū Bukkyō kōshōshi kenkyū 日中仏教交渉史研究, Vol. 6 (Daitō Shuppansha 大東出版社, 1974), pp. 84–85. 14 Wang Liping 王麗萍, “Nyūsō zō Jōjin to Dōkyō 入宋僧成尋と道教 in Ajia yūgaku アジア遊 学, No. 73, 2005, p. 130. For information on Jōjin’s journey to Song China, I also consulted Fujiyoshi Masumi 藤善真澄, San Tendai Godai sanki no kenkyū 参天台五臺山記の研究 (Kansai University Press, 2006) and Wang Liping, Sōdai no Chūnichi bunka kōshōshi kenkyū 宋代の中日文化交流史研究 (Bensei Shuppan, 2002). 24 Temple Guardian Gods in the Sino-Japanese Five Mountain Temple System The Pingshui Dawang Confucian temple is located to the west of Baiheshan 白鶴山 (White Crane Mountain), and enshrines Zhou Qing 周清 of the Western Jin dynasty 西 晋 (265–420). According to tradition, he was a merchant who traveled to Taizhou 台州 and Wenzhou 温州, and was colloquially referred to as Zhou Qilang 周七郎. It is said that he married the daughter of a Mr. Lin on the seacoast and lived with her, but that he suddenly boarded a mallet, floated out to sea, changed into a dragon, and disappeared with his wife. Later someone saw them off at Penggongyu 彭公嶼, and so began venerating him. In 1016, because a miracle occurred in Wenzhou, Zhou Qilang was created a god. This god is enshrined in many towns and villages, but there are no more details about it than this.15 According to this, Pingshui Dawang was actually Zhou Qing of the Jin period. He was the seventh-born of his generation, and for that reason he was called Zhou Qilang. He married the daughter of a Mr. Lin, but as can be seen, it is said that one day the two floated out into the sea and Qilang became a dragon god. It is difficult to verify whether Zhaobao Qilang was actually granted a title at court, but in the account Helin ji 鶴林集 by Wu Yong 呉泳, who lived in the Song period, (1209) there is a passage that states: The spirit at Longshan Zhensheng Daoist Temple 龍山真聖観 was thankful to Daquan Zunsheng Zhaobao Qilang 大権尊聖招宝七郎 and conferred on him the title of “Assistant Spirit Prince” 助霊侯 (zhulingho). From this passage it has been conjectured that Zhaobao Qilang had the title “Assistant Spirit Prince.”16 Further, Daquan Zunsheng and Zhaobao Qilang are linked together in the passage. It can be discerned from this title that Daquan Zunsheng and Zhaobao Qilang were considered the same entity from quite an early period. 3. Daquan Bodhisattva in Zen Temples Even today nearly all Sōtō Zen temples enshrine Zhaobao Qilang as a gogaranjin 護伽藍神 guardian god and as Daquan Xiuli, perhaps because of the profound relationship with Dōgen. If one goes to the main hall of a Sōtō Zen temple today, it is possible to see a dais in the center of the hall on which is enshrined Shaka 15 This can be seen in Vol. 31 of the Jiading chicheng shanzhi 嘉定赤城山志. For my search, I used Kansai University’s database, Chūgoku kihon kosekiko 中国基本古籍庫. Original text: 平水王廟在白鶴山西、祀西晋周清、俗伝清以行賈往来温台、俗呼周七郎。娶臨海林 氏女、俄棄杵化龍、与女皆不見。後有遇之彭公嶼者遂祠之。大中祥符九年以顕異于 温、錫今封按諸邑皆有祠、今不尽載. 16 Wu Yong 呉泳, Helin ji 鶴林集, Vol. 11, in Siku quanshu 四庫全書 (The Imperial Collection of Four). For my search, I used Kansai University’s database, Chūgoku kihon kosekiko. Original text: 龍山真聖観霊感大権尊聖招宝七郎を助霊侯に封ず. Daquan Bodhisattva in Zen Temples 25 Nyōrai 釈迦如来 (Shakyamuni Tathāgata). One can see Bodhidharma (daruma) on the left-hand side and Daquan Xiuli Bodhisattva on the right. Research on Zhaobao Qilang as part of Zen studies thus started at a relatively early juncture. A scholar who discussed this problem fairly early was Dr. Hubert Durt.17 There are also articles on Sōtō Zen by Sasaki Shokaku 佐々木章格 and Nakaseko Shōdō 中 世古祥道. There has been much research done on Zhaobao Qilang as a garanjin (temple guardian god).18 Sasaki introduces the Daquan Xiuli Bodhisattva of Sōtō Zen as follows: As the founder of the religion, Daquan Xiuli Bodhisattva is always enshrined as a pair with Daruma in Sōtō Zen temples … During the installation of a new abbot, a Buddhist sermon is recited to the Earth God (Tudi) in the Earth God Hall 土地堂, and as the dharmapāla garanjin guardian god of the temple, Daquan Xiuli Bodhisattva is treated with great care. The statue strikes the pose of having its right hand at its forehead and gazing far away, and wears the clothing of an emperor. The effect is different from other Buddhist statues that are enshrined in temples … The problem here is whether Zhaobao Qilang should be considered the same or different from Daquan Xiuli Bodhisattva; that is, should they have different designations. A further problem is that the deity is no longer enshrined in any temples in China.19 For Xiuli in the name Dachuan Xiuli, Sasaki uses the Chinese characters 修理 rather than 修利 in his essay. He adopts Mujaku Dōchū’s explanation, analyzes the transformation, and concludes as follows: If we think along the lines of Dōgen, it was either Zhaobao Qilang or Dachuan Xiuli who helped Dōgen transcribe the koan collection, Biyanji 碧巌集. In the Edo period, however, Baishanjin (Hakusan Myōjin) 白山明神 replaced this deity, and the theory that when Dōgen returned to Japan, Daquan accompanied him to protect the Buddhist scriptures gradually gained credence. Naturally, the god came to be treated as a dragon god 龍天 (Ryūten) rather than an earth god.20 According to an argument developed by Nakaseko Shōdō, Daquan came to be enshrined in the main temple hall through the following process: We know from the the character of the temple precinct earth god and from the rules for parināmā (諸回向清規) that each mountain district had its own temple god. Even then, ˙ 17 Hubert Durt, “Nihon Zenshū no gohōjin/Daigen Shuri Bosatsu ni tsuite” 日本禅宗の護法 神： 大権修利菩薩について in Indogaku Bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究, No. 64, 1984), pp. 128–129. 18 Sasaki Shokaku 佐々木章格, “Nihon Sōtōshū to Daigen Shuri Bosatsu” 日本曹洞宗と大権 修理菩薩 in Nihon Sōtōshū shūgaku kenkyūsho kiyō 曹洞宗宗学研究所紀要, Inaugural issue, 1988), pp. 32–45; Nakaseko Shōdō 中世古祥道, “ Shōhō Shichirō Daigen Shuri Bosatsu ni tsuite” 招宝七郎大権修理菩薩について in Shūgaku kenkyū 宗学研究, No. 35, 1993), pp. 232–237. 19 Sasaki Shokaku, op. cit., p. 32. 20 Ibid., p. 45.
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