Hispanics: A Diverse Population of Students to Influence the

454133
3Journal of Hispanic Higher EducationPage
JHH12110.1177/153819271245413
Hispanics: A Diverse
Population of Students
to Influence the Landscape
of Higher Education
Journal of Hispanic Higher Education
12(1) 37–48
© The Author(s) 2013
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DOI: 10.1177/1538192712454133
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Jill Page1
Abstract
Hispanic students are a growing and pervasive population within higher education.
This position paper examines population characteristics and educational patterns of
Hispanic students that underscore failures of the higher education system in serving
these students, in addition to institutional issues and cultural values that further
complicate their college experience.These trends warrant attention from institutions
toward policy changes and program initiatives to better serve Hispanic students.
Resumen
Estudiantes hispanos forman una población creciente y duradera en educación superior.
Este manuscrito examina además de los asuntos institucionales y los valores culturales
que complican la experiencia universitaria de estudiantes hispanos, las características
y patrones educativos que señalan fracasos en el sistema de educación superior que
sirve a esos estudiasntes. Estas tendencias justifican la atención de instituciones hacia
el cambio de políticas e iniciativas para servir mejor alos estudiantes hispanos.
Keywords
hispanic students, population characteristics, educational trends, Hispanic-serving
institutions, familism
With soaring immigration rates and increasing college enrollment numbers, the presence of Hispanic students at colleges and universities helped facilitate permanent
changes in the curriculum, student and faculty demographics, institutional structures,
1
Lexington, KY, USA
Corresponding Author:
Jill Page, 448 Lemon Drop Lane, Lexington, KY 40511, USA .
Email: [email protected]
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Journal of Hispanic Higher Education 12(1)
and essentially how professionals serve diverse men and women at U.S. institutions of
higher education (Arias, 1986). Despite these changes prompted by the increasing
presence of Hispanic students, higher education is doing little to return the favor.
Between 1999 and 2000, Hispanics surpassed African Americans as the largest minority group in the United States (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2010).
Thus, growth within the Hispanic population warrants a critical review of their higher
education enrollment, transfer, retention, and graduation rates, highlighting issues facing this student population. This paper focuses on the demographic trends and educational patterns of Latino men and women, underscoring failures of the higher education
system in serving these students as well as cultural values that further complicate their
college experience. As such, Hispanic students constitute a critical core in influencing
the landscape of higher education.
Hispanic Population Characteristics
In 2008, Hispanics comprised 15.4% of the U.S. population, the largest percentage
among all racial and ethnic groups (NCES, 2010). While the growth rate for the White
population has steadily decreased between 1980 and 2008, the black and Asian populations have increased but at a much slower rate than the Hispanic population. That is,
between 1980 and 1990, the Hispanic population increased from 6.4% to 9.0% of the
total population, an increase of 2.6% in the decade spanning 1980-1990. Likewise,
the percentage of Hispanics comprising the U.S. population increased by 3.6% in the
decade spanning 1990-2000, and 3.4% in the decade spanning 2000-2010, the largest
aggregate percentage increase by decade among all racial and ethnic groups (NCES,
2010). According to Torres (2004), Mexican Americans constitute the largest number
of Latinos in the U.S. from a single country, followed by Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and
Dominicans, respectively. Those from El Salvador represent the largest group of
Hispanics from Central America, and Columbians are the largest group from South
America. Furthermore, the U.S. Census expects the national population will encompass 21% Hispanics in 2025, an increase of 5.2% between the years 2010 and 2025
and the largest increase among all racial and ethnic groups (NCES, 2010). As demographic shifts are projected to continue parallel to increases in college enrollment
among all racial and ethnic minorities, institutions of higher education can anticipate
an increase in minority enrollment, particularly among Latino men and women.
The distinctive cultural mores of Latino countries and differences in immigration
patterns cause within-group differences that affect students’ college experience. Torres
(2004) characterizes the migration patterns of Latinos as either economically or politically fueled and further outlines Puerto Rican, Cuban, Dominican, and Central and
South American migration patterns. Distinct laws, norms, and reactions to these populations in the United States further differentiate the migration patterns of these groups.
In addition, differences among these groups in their experiences in the United States
confutes the “. . . one-size-fits-all approach that was applied to Latinos” that failed to
account for the different paths each group has taken to access higher education
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(McDonald, 2007, p. 478). Although Hispanic groups have different cultural mores
and immigration patterns that manifest themselves in students’ college experience, the
groups share a language forming a common identity along with a sense of community
and dedication to family.
High School and College Educational Trends
Overall, Hispanic adults in the U.S. have lower rates of high school completion than
adults of other racial and ethnic groups. In 2008, 62% of Hispanic adults over the age
of 25 had completed at least high school or an equivalent, an increase of 9.0%
between the years 1996 and 2008 (NCES, 2010). Moreover, country of origin compounds the lower rates of high school completion. In examining intragroup diversity
among Hispanics, Torres (2004) found that Cubans are most likely to have at least a
high school education, while Mexican Americans are least likely. The lower rates of
high school attainment impact the rates of college enrollment among Hispanic young
adults, further marginalizing this population from other racial and ethnic groups.
Moreover, data reveal a positive correlation between citizenship and college enrollment: Hispanic young adults who are U.S. citizens are more likely than the general
Hispanic young adult population to enroll in colleges and universities (NCES, 2003).
In addition, first generation immigrants are less likely than those in second or third
generations to enroll in college (Torres, 2004). As a result, enrollment in higher education is representative of citizenship and generational status, whereby marginalization
occurs within the Hispanic population as country of origin affects high school attainment and hence, the rate of college enrollment. Still, there remain great disparities
regarding higher education access and success, further compounded by educational
issues and trends at the secondary level.
Regardless of issues impacting access to higher education, consistent increases in
their enrollment numbers illustrate Hispanics are a determined and motivated student
population. In 2008, 25.8% of Hispanics between the ages of 18 and 24 years were
enrolled in colleges and universities, an increase of 4.1% from 2000, 5.1% from 1990
and 9.5% from 1980 (NCES, 2010). Furthermore, the rate of immediate transition to
college for Hispanics increased to 62% in 2007 from 57.5% in 2005, 51.6% in 1995,
and 46.1% in 1985 (NCES, 2010), an average increase by decade of 5.7% between the
years 1985 and 2005. Despite increases in their enrollment and immediate transition to
college, Hispanics are consistently displaced in public institutions, particularly in
community colleges. Specifically, 81% of Hispanics attended public institutions
among all enrolled in degree-seeking institutions in 2008 (NCES, 2010). The same
year, 11% of Hispanics attended private, not-for-profit institutions, which represents
the smallest percentage among all other racial and ethnic groups (NCES, 2010).
The correlation between educational achievement and economic attainment constitutes educational access and attainment as a critical issue for the Hispanic population.
While country of origin predicts high school completion, it also predicts college attainment. In particular, Cubans and South Americans have the highest rates of college
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Journal of Hispanic Higher Education 12(1)
attainment, while Salvadorans and Mexicans have the lowest rates of college attainment among Hispanic subgroups (NCES, 2010). Between the academic years 19901991 and 1999-2000, the number of bachelor’s degrees awarded to Hispanics rose by
105%, a rate faster than any other racial and ethnic group (NCES, 2003). The number
of Hispanic students graduating from college has been continuously increasing; however, in the academic year 1999-2000, Hispanics earned 9% of all associate degrees
and 6% of bachelor’s degrees, and the percentages continue decreasing relative to
higher levels of degrees (NCES, 2003). Thus, the percentages of earned degrees highlight that, for the majority of Hispanic students, educational achievement ends with an
associate’s degree. Moreover, in the same academic year 1999-2000, the most popular
fields of study in which Hispanics earned bachelor’s degrees were business, social sciences, psychology, and education (NCES, 2003). Compared to the national average of
degrees earned, Hispanics were less likely to earn degrees in 8 of the top 10 most
popular fields of study, which has implications for their economic attainment (NCES,
2003). As such, Hispanics’ earned degrees fail to garner as much appeal as those in
popular fields of study, making employability problematic for these college graduates.
For example, in 2007, Hispanic men ages 25 years and older with a bachelor’s degree
had the lowest annual income among full-time workers who were White, Black, and
Asian men with the same level of degree; the same is true for Hispanic women who
held a bachelor’s degree (NCES, 2010). In addition to the financial hardship encountered as college graduates, Hispanic undergraduate students are more likely to be working students, to pay for their education, and to pay for family necessities (Hernandez &
Lopez, 2004). While 85% of full-time, full-year Hispanic undergraduate students
received financial aid in the academic year 2007-2008, the average amount of combined aid for grants and loans was US$11,400, smaller than all other racial and ethnic
groups (NCES, 2010). As a result, Hispanics are more likely to withdraw from college
because of financial reasons than any other racial and ethnic groups, which is compounded by the lack of institutional financial support, and the demands of being a
working student and having to supplement family income. Hispanic students’ descriptions of why they enroll in college emphasize an economic motivation, whereby they
associate obtaining a college degree with gainful employment and social mobility. As
such, the connection between educational and economic attainment is deeply embedded in Hispanic students’ motivations, explaining their purposes for accessing higher
education, and thus informing how institutions serve these students.
Community Colleges and Hispanic-Serving Institutions
According to Torres (2004), the largest percentage of Hispanics begins higher education at community colleges, a trend more prevalent among Central and South
Americans than among Puerto Ricans and Cuban Americans. The environment of community colleges is congruent with Hispanic cultural mores, which emphasize remaining at home while attending college, a plausible justification for the high enrollment
numbers. In 1980, Hispanics represented 4% of students enrolled in all colleges and
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universities, and in 2000, they comprised 10% of the total college enrollment at
degree-granting institutions (NCES, 2003); yet, they are disproportionally enrolled in
2-year institutions. Namely, Hispanics accounted for 14% of students enrolled in
2-year institutions and 7% in 4-year institutions in 2000. The rate of this student
population enrolled in 2-year institutions increased to 49% in 2008, a higher percentage than any other racial or ethnic group (NCES, 2003).
Although higher education relegates Hispanics to community colleges, Bensimon
and Riley (1984) and Rendon, Justiz, and Resta (1988) confirm that 50% to 87% of
Latino students enrolled in community colleges aspire to transfer to a 4-year institution
and complete a baccalaureate degree (as cited in Martinez & Fernandez, 2004, p. 52),
emphasizing their desire and motivation to achieve academic goals that translate into
employment. However, Martinez and Fernandez (2004) argue that Latinos’ attendance
at community colleges may adversely affect their chances of transferring, persisting, or
completing any type of degree. In particular, Latino students are more likely to withdraw if they begin college at a 2-year institution. The affects of attending a community
college underscore a discrepancy between Latino students’ expectations to transfer to a
4-year institution and community college policies that primarily provides resources and
services for vocational education. Thus, the transfer process is neither clearly defined
nor consistently implemented across the network of community colleges, whereby
institutional commitment to transfer students impedes the transfer process (Martinez &
Fernandez, 2004). As a result, access to higher education can no longer be narrowly
defined in terms of college enrollment for Hispanic students: issues related to retention,
transition, and transfer are equally important access issues, especially for community
colleges and partnerships they maintain with state college and universities.
The 1998 Higher Education Act (HEA) reauthorization defined Hispanic-serving
Institutions (HSIs) as “accredited, degree-granting, public or private, non-profit colleges and universities with 25% or more total undergraduate full-time equivalent
(FTE) Hispanic student enrollment” (Laden, 2004, p. 186). The majority of HSIs have
emerged in the last 30 years, with the exception of three founded in the late 1960s and
early 1970s, due to changing conditions in the U.S. environmental landscape (Laden,
2004). As such, these institutions are located in areas with high concentrations of
Latinos in the population. The states with the largest concentration of Hispanic-serving
institutions are California (109), Texas (54), New Mexico (25), and Arizona (19)
(Dayton, Gonzalez-Vasquez, Martinez, & Plum, 2004).
In 1999, Latino enrollment in HSIs accounted for 42% of the total enrollment at
these institutions, up from 29% in 1990 (NCES, 2003), a 13% increase in the decade
spanning 1990-1999. Moreover, in 2007, 50% of all Hispanic college students attended
an institution in which Hispanics represented 25% or more of the full-time equivalent
undergraduate enrollment, which were primarily identified as Hispanic-serving institutions (NCES, 2010). Thus, HSIs provide greater access to higher education for the
Latino population, and furthermore grant more associate’s and bachelor’s degrees to
these students than all other institutions (Laden, 2004). Although HSIs must maintain
a certain percentage of enrolled Hispanic students, the increased number of Latino
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Journal of Hispanic Higher Education 12(1)
students enrolling in HSIs makes diversifying these colleges and universities difficult.
Furthermore, diversifying these institutions means exposing Latino students to other
cultures and experiences, characteristic of the environment these students are likely to
encounter once they graduate. It seems HSIs have yet to establish a balance between
serving the needs of Latino students and maintaining a diverse campus culture; however, doing so creates dissonance between their designation as Hispanic-serving institutions and best practices for educating and serving diverse students. Perhaps, the
migration of Hispanic students to HSIs contributes to struggles for Hispanic students
at predominantly White colleges and universities where fewer students, and faculty
and staff share the same cultural identity.
Dayton et al. (2004) examine Hispanic-serving institutions through the eyes of
administrators and students, highlighting the benefits and challenges of being a HSI.
The administrators voice the importance of an institutional commitment to recruiting
and retaining Latino faculty and staff, which they consider a critical factor in ensuring
a diverse staff that reflects the student body “because professionals who have experienced struggles similar to those of Latinos could use their personal experiences to
establish a sense of understanding and support within the institution” (Dayton et al.,
2004, p. 34). These personal experiences offered by Latino faculty and staff are essential to creating and maintaining a campus environment that is sensitive and responsive
to the needs of Latino students, as well as foster connections between faculty and staff
and students; however, HSIs must consider the implications of employing Latino faculty and staff for students that are not Hispanic. Still, problems related to diversifying
faculty and staff, in addition to the racial and ethnic backgrounds represented on campus influence the institutional culture of Hispanic-serving institutions.
Nelson Laird, Bridges, and Morelon-Quainoo (2007) explore African American and
Hispanic student engagement at HBCUs and HSIs, further comparing these minority
student populations to those at predominantly White institutions (PWIs). Specifically,
the authors examine students’ engagement in effective educational practices, satisfaction with college, and perception of personal and intellectual development during college, further highlight how these criteria differ among Hispanics and African Americans.
Their results reveal that unlike African American students at HBCUs, Hispanic students
at HSIs look similar to those at PWIs in terms of engagement, satisfaction with college,
and gains in overall development. The largest differences between the minority student
populations at HBCUs and HSIs were in active and collaborative learning, studentfaculty interactions, and gains in overall development (Nelson Laird et al., 2007). This
comparison raises important distinction in academic and student development between
HBCUs and HSIs, further highlighting the challenges faced by Hispanic-serving institution, as well as the implications of the research results for the future of minority
serving institutions.
While Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) were founded to educate African Americans, HSIs were founded as majority-serving institutions and
evolved to serve increasing numbers of enrolled Hispanic students that resulted from
changing demographics (Nelson Laird et al., 2007). In addition, the mission of HSIs,
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unlike HBCUs, is not the result of a long-term, sustained commitment to Hispanic students and their culture. Thus, HSIs are in the midst of shifting from having Whiteoriented institutional cultures to cultures reflective and inclusive of Latino students.
However, for these institutions, the designation of Hispanic-serving institution is currently a marker of student demographics as opposed to institutional cultures being relevant and responsive to Hispanic students (Nelson Laird et al., 2007). This suggests that
population increases among Hispanics are enough of a critical core to change the climate and demographic makeup of institutions, which has implications for the power of
Hispanic students to transform the culture of higher education. As state funding and
resources dwindle and college admissions criteria rise, there is growing concern that
instead of looking at HSIs for what can learned to increase Hispanic educational attainment, PWIs may assume they are no longer responsible for attending to the needs of
these students and others like them. Hence, the concentration of Latino students in HSIs
is problematic for both HSIs and PWIs, as well as for serving the Latino population.
Several studies explore the characteristics of a college environment conducive to
Latino students’ academic success. Hurtado and Carter (1997) examine the effects of
perceptions of campus racial climate on Latino students’ sense of belonging. Their
results indicate that the merging of students’ social and academic interactions, early
memberships (2nd year as opposed to 3rd year) in student organizations, and belonging to racial-ethnic organizations produce higher levels of a sense of belonging among
Latino students. In particular, Latino students who belong to social-community and
religious organizations have a stronger sense of belonging because they maintain connections with external communities that parallel Hispanic cultural emphasis on family
and community interdependence. Furthermore, Hernandez and Lopez (2004) research
issues affecting Hispanic students’ retention, arriving at results indicating that having
a Latino community at PWIs and having a relationship with faculty and staff positively
impacts Hispanic student retention. The issue of retention is further complicated by
research from Hurtado and Carter (1997) showing that academic performance does not
necessarily enhance or diminish Latino students’ sense of affiliation with college.
Instead, Latino students are less likely to feel part of the campus community if they
perceive racial tension or have experienced discrimination in their 2nd year (Hurtado
& Carter, 1997). Thus, retaining Hispanic students involves facilitating cultural acceptance among campus constituents, implying that institutions must acknowledge and
embrace their cultural heritage that in turn promotes their academic success.
While Latino students are increasingly gaining access to and enrolling in higher
education, there is little improvement in their college completion rates. For example, in
2000, 10% of Hispanics between 25 and 29 years old had at least a bachelor’s degree or
higher (NCES, 2003). In 2008, these completion rates increased to 11% for Hispanics
is the same age group (NCES, 2010), highlighting a mere 1% increase between the
years 2000 and 2008. The impact of primary and secondary education on college success is prevalent within the Hispanic population. In particular, personal factors such as
high school GPA and SAT scores, academic self-concept, family support, and finances
impact Hispanic students’ success in college; however, Hernandez and Lopez (2004)
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Journal of Hispanic Higher Education 12(1)
claim that performance in high school is not as valid a measure of success for students
of color as it is for White students. Namely, traditional measures of high school GPA
and SAT scores have little systematic connection with students’ academic skills or
motivation to succeed in college (Hernandez & Lopez, 2004). Hernandez (2000)
reports that successful Latino students who demonstrate a positive mental outlook,
defined as “the belief in and the realization that they possessed the potential to succeed
in college” attribute this as the single most important factor that influenced their retention in college (as cited in Hernandez & Lopez, 2004, p. 40). The impact of academic
self-concept on Latino students’ retention underscores the role of faculty and student
affairs professionals in validating academic self-concept, especially among firstgeneration Latino students and those academically underprepared. Compared to White
and Black students 25 years and older, smaller proportions of Hispanics have earned
associate’s, bachelor’s, or master’s degrees (NCES, 2003); however, HSIs clearly
graduate Hispanic students at a higher rate than other institutions. Stearns, Watabane,
and Snyder (2002) compare the completion rates for Latino students in 1999 at HSIs
and all other institutions and for each level of degree. Specifically, 37% of Hispanics
attending a Hispanic-serving institution graduate with a bachelor’s degree compared to
6.1% of Hispanics at all other institutions combined (as cited in Laden, 2004). These
percentages steadily decrease for masters, professional, and doctoral degrees, respectively, and for both HSIs and all institutions. As a result, higher education must consider
what it is that HSIs do for Latino students that leads to these higher rates. Perhaps, the
already high number of Latinos enrolled in these institutions produce a higher number
of completers in comparison to the lower number of Hispanics represented in other
institutions (Laden, 2004). Because parental education explains a significant portion of
the low levels of Hispanic educational performance (Desmond & Lopez Turley, 2009),
we can assume that as more Hispanics receive access to and graduate from college, the
educational performance of subsequent generations will likely increase, constituting
Hispanics as a paramount force in the evolution of higher education.
The U.S. Department of Education defines college participation rate as “the percentage of all 18 to 24 year olds enrolled in 2-year and 4-year colleges or universities,
including undergraduate and graduate students” (NCES, 2010, p. 120). In 2008,
Hispanic females had a college participation rate of 29%, compared to a rate of 23% for
Hispanic males (NCES, 2010). Thus, institutions are enrolling more female Hispanic
students; however, the participation rate does not explain gender differences in the
number of applications institutions receive. In 2008, more Hispanic females than males
earned a bachelor’s degree, which reflects their increasing enrollment numbers. That
year, 61% of bachelor’s degrees awarded by degree-granting institutions to Hispanics
were given to female students compared to 39% of male students (NCES, 2010). The
gender differences in the participation and completion rates of Hispanics warrant an
examination as to whether or not the educational experiences of Latinos and Latinas
differ, which informs how institutions can support the distinct experiences of Latino
men and women. Moreover, research reveals gendered contradictions in Hispanic students’ desire to remain close to home while attending college. Namely, Latina young
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adults desire to establish autonomy, raising concerns of family dependence if they
remain close to home while attending college (Gonzalez, Jovel, & Stoner, 2004).
Although Latinas want to leave home, their parents are apprehensive because of concerns over who would care for them (Gonzalez et al., 2004). As a result, studies looking at Hispanic students’ residency highlight that leaving home is gender specific.
Thus, residency has implications for Hispanic students attending community colleges
and the resulting partnerships between community colleges and resident institutions.
Cultural Values Affecting Colleges as Communities
Desmond and Lopez Turley (2009) define familism as a “social pattern whereby individual interests, decisions, and actions are conditioned by a network of relatives
thought in many ways to take priority over the individual” (p. 314). The authors examine the role of familism in explaining Hispanic-White college application patterns
among high school seniors, finding that Hispanics are more likely than Black and
White students to state living at home is important. Two of the students interviewed
said that their families emphasized attending college while growing up and agreed this
had a large impact on their decision to enroll in college. Research offers conflicting
evidence that familism both serves and disserves Hispanic students. Gonzalez et al.
(2004) describe the role of family as a source of support and encouragement as well as
a channel whereby family expectations stifles motivation through excessive pressure.
While homesickness is a common experience for all college students, Latina women
experience homesickness at a higher degree and throughout their college career as
opposed to their 1st year of college (Gonzalez et al., 2004). Regardless of a uniform
definition for familism or its role in supporting or hindering Hispanic students, how
these students define family is key to providing support; some students define family
as immediate to include single household, while others define combinations of households or extended families.
The value of familism reinforces the importance of community within Latino culture, thus Hispanic students thrive in college environments where there is continual
support and concern for their well-being. The geographic location of Hispanic-serving
institutions allows Latino students to remain at home while attending college, providing an environment where the cultural value of familism is reinforced; however, as a
result, students’ academic responsibilities and progress may be compromised (Dayton
et al., 2004). Despite conflicting research evidence on the role of familism in supporting or hindering students’ academic success, institutions should remain committed to
creating environments that embrace or mimic this cultural value through servicelearning opportunities that connect students to the community or through establishing
racial-ethnic organizations that connect Latino students to one another and thus to a
network of support, affirmation, and mentorship.
With regard to Latino students, more resources and qualified personnel are needed
throughout the system of higher education and regardless of institutional type if these
students are to enroll and graduate from college. Evidence suggests Hispanic students
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associate obtaining a college degree with gainful employment and social mobility;
however, educational attainment for this student population does not extend beyond
completion of an associate’s degree, many of which are often in less valuable and
popular career fields. Institutions have successfully implemented programs to migrate
women to the academic fields of science, technology, engineering, and medicine
(STEM), and now attention must be drawn towards programs and policies to migrate
Hispanic students to careers in attractive and demanded fields. Such programs consist
of opportunities for career counseling embedded in students’ academic careers that
facilitates a stronger understanding of career readiness and pertinent skills necessary
in career fields. Moreover, because the transfer process is neither clearly defined nor
consistently implemented across the network of community colleges, stronger partnerships between community colleges and local state universities facilitate completion of a bachelor’s degree since Hispanic students are more inclined to remain close
to home.
While Hispanic students continue gaining access to higher education and it remains
imperative for institutions to continue enrolling Hispanic students, colleges and universities must acknowledge that enrolling a small number of Latino men and women
causes them to feel disconnected from their culture, and therefore disengaged from the
institution. Still, the concentration of Latinos in HSIs creates problems for diversifying
the experiences of these students, while issues of transition and transfer haunt the function of community colleges to prepare students for vocational occupations. Research
suggests that all types of institutions struggle serving Latino students; however, this
does not diminish the importance of understanding the educational patterns, economic attainment, gender differences, and cultural values of this student population,
especially considering their increasing presence on college campuses. Moreover,
diversity within the Hispanic population warrants additional research on Hispanic
subgroups, highlighting differences among the groups as well as problems characteristic of certain groups to inform institutional practices and the structures of
higher education, whether physical or symbolic, that both serve and disserve Latino
students.
The historical evolution of Hispanic-serving institutions from a predominantly
White-oriented institutional culture to one inclusive and representative of the Hispanic
population suggests that Hispanics are enough of a critical core to change the climate
and demographic makeup of institutions. The characterization of Hispanics as a critical
core in the evolution of higher education coupled with current and projected population
increases alludes to the power of Hispanic students in transforming the culture of higher
education. An understanding of issues facing Hispanic students and a willingness and
commitment to better serve this population constitute changes in the landscape of
higher education institutions. Namely, within-group differences among Hispanics in
their experiences in the United States confound cultural overlaps currently assumed by
institutions of higher learning. While Hispanic groups share a language forming a common identity along with a sense of community and dedication to family, higher
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education generalizes issues impacting this student population at the expense of
Hispanic student success. Administrators cannot assume issues related to one particular Hispanic nationality (i.e., Cubans, Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, etc.) characterize all
Hispanic students. In doing so, administrators acknowledge and appreciate the distinctive cultural mores that define for these students who they are.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this
article.
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Bio
Jill Page received her BA from the University of West Florida and a Master’s of Science from
the University of Kentucky. She is currently a PhD student in the Educational Policy Studies
and Evaluation program at the University of Kentucky.
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