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THE U N I V E R S I T Y OF O K L A H O M A
G RA DUATE COLLEGE
O R D E R A G A I N S T CHAOS
TH E F O R M A T I O N OF B U S I N E S S A T T I T U D E S TOW A RD LABOR,
1880-1910
A DIS SERTATION
S U B M I T T E D TO THE G R A D U A T E F ACULTY
in partial
-ful-f i 11 ment
ot
the r e q u i r e m e n t s
d e g r e e of
D O C T O R OF P H I L O S O P H Y
BY
S A R AH L Y O N S WA T T S
No rma n, Oklahoma
1934
for the
O R D E R AG AI N S T CHAOS
T HE F O R M A T I O N OF B U S I N E S S A T T I T U D E S TO WAR D LABOR,
1880-1910
AP PR O V E D BY
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
©
1984
S A R A H L Y O NS WATTS
ALL R I G H T S R E S E R V E D
T A B L E OF C O NT E NT S
Ch ap t er
Page
I.
I N T R O D U C T I O N .................................................1
II.
THE S E T T I N G ................................................ 35
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
t
;T T
V X J. ■
V I C T O R I A N L A B O R I D E O L O G Y ...............................
EMPLOYER
I DE O LO G Y
58
IN T H E PU L L M A N S T R I K E ...............77
THE N A T I O N A L A S S O C I A T I O N OF M A N U F A C T U R E R S ........... 133
S C I E N T I F I C M A N A G E M E N T AND LABOR
L...
I L / L.. LJ
X LJ
I D E O L O G Y ............ 137
..X
O R D E R A G A I N S T CHAOS:
T HE F O R M A T I O N
OF B U S I N E S S A T T I T U D E S T O W A R D LABOR,
CHAPTER
1880-1900
I
I NT R O D U C T I O N
The
about
idea for thi s s t ud y deri ve d from a question
the d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n
ca.pi tal i sm in the U n i ted
late n i n e t e e n t h
E u r op e an
radical
l a b o r ’s a c c e p t a n c e of
S tat es v e rsu s that of E ur ope in the
and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h centuries.
and U.S.
labor
o p p o s i t i o n of
unres t
in this period,
C om p a r i n g
the c on t i n u e d
t h e E u r o p e a n w o rk e r towa rd
industrial
c a p i t a l i s m c o n t r a s t s w ith A m e r i c a n l a b o r ’s increasing
accommodation
to t he b a s i c s t r u c t u r e of c a p i t a l i s t society.
In both s oc i e t i e s ,
t h e e m e r g e n c e and m a t u ri n g of
c a p i t a l i s m s et a p a t t e r n
industrial
of u n d e r l y i n g c l as s conflict.
they d e v e l o p e d a s e n s e of their
own e xploitation,
As
great
n u m b e r s of w o r k e r s on both c o n t i n e n t s c r i ed out again s t
abuses.
European
labor
communist political
long s u p po r te d
p a r t i e s as well
labor,
as independent,
u n i o n s w h o s e d o c t r i n e s i n vo k ed t h e eventual
t he c a p i t a l i s t o r d e r
socialist,
and
radical
destruction
of
and a s ub s e q u e n t r e s t r u c t u r i n g of
s o c i e t y and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n
of property.
Likewise,
in the
U.S.,
widespread
upon an ov e r t u r n
labor unres t after 1877 f o c u s e d , in part,
of t he e x i s t i n g ec o n o m i c
In c o n t r a s t
labor t h r o u g h o u t
of U.S.
structure.
to the c o n t in u ed m i l i t a n c e of
t h e n i n e t e e n t h century,
labor a b a n d o n e d
e a r ly radical
Eur o pe a n
t h e m ain e l e m e n t s
u n i o n i s m in favor of
t r ad e u n i on s t r u c t u r e s a dv o c a t i n g a c c e p t a n c e of l a b o r ’s
p l ac e w i thin c a p i t a l i s t
society.
c raft unionism,
as almos t all o th e r social
the U.S.
as well
harbored positive
By t he S e co n d W o rl d W a r ,
ideas about c a p i t a l i s m and
conse que ntl y of fered
it few challenges.
labor u nrest
in t he peri o d
collective
e x i s te d
labor
Radical
won
u n i o n s w e r e ma r gi n al i se d ,
The Am e r i c a n
unions,
the press,
F e d e r a t i o n of Labor,
Al t h o u g h
1830-1910,
a c t i v i t y were meagre:
more o f ten than not,
g r o u p s in
inten s e
t h e r e s u l t s of
business,
aided by
in most of t h e disputes.
n u l l i f i e d or d e s t r o y e d .
general
successor
of early
a b a n d o n e d t h e u n s k i l l e d for p ur e t r a d e u n i o n i s m and
id e n t i f i e d
its well
L ’s refusal
2 . 5 million,
be ing with that of industry.
t o o r g a n i z e t he u n sk i ll e d meant that
The A F of
o nl y about
or 8 per c ent of the w o r k f o r c e w e r e u n i o n i z e d . 1
Al t h o u g h eventual 1 y a c k n o w l e d g i n g
seemingly permanent
b e l i e v e d nor acted
l a b o r ’s s e p a r a t e and
c l a ss identity,
t h e A F of L neith e r
in a c l as s c o n s c i o u s manner.
It made
mild,
"bread and b u t t e r " d e m a n d s upon o w n e r s t o m i t i g a t e the
worst
a p ec t s of t h e industrial
c h a l l e n g e the system.
system,
but
it did not
As G e o r g e B e r n a r d S ha w put
it,
t rade
uni oni sm was the c a p i t a l i s m of the p r o l s t a r i a t .2
t hi s ro l e r e ma i n s u n c h a n g e d to the present;
h i s t o r ia n of U.S.
Dick w r it i ng
in
Clearly,
witness a
l a b o r ’s r e l a t i o n s with socialism,
Wi lliam
1972:
Today, not o n l y do Am e ri c a n t ra d e u n i o n s
a ss e rt their sole fu n ct i o n as a pr e ss u re g r o u p ,
but their m e m b e r s ar e among th e principal
u p h o l d e r s of the c a p i t a l i s t system.
In the
f er m en t of r ec e nt y e a r s th e y hav e been the most
s ta l wa r t d e f e n d e r s of t h e sta t us quo.
U n a p o l o g e t i c a l 1 y , t h e y offer not h in g to the
u rg e nt ne e ds of t h e s o ci e t y of which th e y are a
p a r t .3
G e o r g e M e a n y , A F L - C I O P r e s id e nt e x p r es s ed th i s
s u c c i n c t l y in an ad dr e ss t o the National
Manufacturers
in
1956:
never ran a strike
"I never went
in my life,
run a s t r i k e in my life,
p icket
A ss o c i a t i o n of
on s trike in mv life,
never ordered
a ny o ne else to
ne v er had anything to do w i th a
l i ne ....In th e final
analysis,
d i f f e r e n c e be t we e n the t h i n g s
there is not a great
I sta n d for and t he t h i n g s
that NAM l e ad e rs stand for. “4
T he r e w a s a t i m e in U.S.
not the case.
period,
Be g i n n i n g
widespread
in
1877,
labor h i st o ry when this was
t h e first great
st r ik e
labor u n r e s t ga ve rise to v a r i o u s labor
o r g a n i z a t i o n s c alling for the re s tr u c t u r i n g of s o c i e t y in
a c c o r d a n c e with p r e c e p t s wh ic h at the time were v i e w e d as
radical.
The S o c ia l is t Labor
Party,
formed in the labor
t r o u b l e s of
1877,
until
c o n s t i t u t i n g a "broadly b a s e d , de e pl y rooted,
1900,
b e c a m e t h e main ve h i c l e for U.S.
self c o n s c i o u s m o v e m e n t for soci ali s m . ..."5
An
s o c i a li s m
4
a n a r c h i s t - s y n d i c a l i st mo v e m e n t
C h i c a g o c o mp o s e d
ap p ea r ed in New Yor k and
l a r g e l y of radical
T h e largest national
em ig r es f r o m Germany.
la bo r o r g a n i z a t i o n
in th i s period,
K n i g h t s of Labor,
r ej ected
private ownership
and w a g e labor as it stood.
in p r i n c i p l e the s y s t e m of
Holding
n os t a l g i c view of labor and p o si n g a n a i v e r e m e d y for
ills,
the
a
its
t h e lea d in g s p o k e s m e n for the K n ights n o n e t h e l e s s
u n d e r s t o o d tha t a p e r m a n e n t
s hould be avoided.
c o n d i t i o n of wage s e r v i t u d e
T o e s c a p e such a fate,
the K n i g h t s
b el i e v e d that w o r k e r s must a c h i e v e a large m e a s u r e of
sociD-economic
equality
ow n e r s themselves.
1930s.
cooperative
The Kni g h t s were the onlv large national
union to o r g a n i z e both
the
with ow n e r s by b ec o mi n g
sl:i 11 ed and unskilled
w o r k e r s until
Most t r a d e u n i o n s of the tim e a cc e pt e d
e m p h a s i s on labor s o l i d a r i t y which
P r o m o t i o n of
a s e r i e s of
s trikes after
1884 b o os t ed
in
t h e K n i g h t s s u f f e r e d v a r i o u s problems:
a d m i ni s t r a t i v e struc tu r e,
j u r i s d ic t io n al
few s t r i k e funds,
d i s p u t e s with t ra d e unions,
f or m a t i o n of th e A F of L in 1886,
an
included t h e unskilled.
t h e me m be r s h i p of the K n i g h t s t o a high of 7 0 0 , 0 0 0
N on e theless,
such
1886.
a weak
internal
which
led to the
and most important,
s e v e r e s e tb a c k s due to t h e s t r i k e b r eaking t a c t i c s of Jay
Go ul d in the G r e a t S o u t h w e s t R a i l r o a d Strike of
1892,
Kn ights’ membership
In 1886,
had fa il e d to
the H a y m a r k e t
a d v e r s e public opinion,
1336.
By
100,000.
bomb caused mas s h y s t e r i a and
d e s t r o y e d the a m ar c hi s t m o v e m e n t and
ceme nt e d t h e r e s o l v e of b u s i n e s s m e n to crack down on
s ub v e r s i v e e l e m e n t s w i t hi n labor o r ga n iz a t i o n s ,
c as e s by d e s t r o y i n g u n i o n s themselves.
1877 to
1886 had w i t n e s s e d a g r ow t h
w h i l e the years
in t h e i n c i d en c e and
size of strikes,
a p p r o x i m a t e l y half
sanc t io n or aid,
t h e tw e l v e years a f t e r
reversal
Thus,
in many
of which had union
1886 m a r k ed a
of t h o se i n c r e a s e s . 6
D e s p i t e t h i s overall
d e f i a n c e r e m ai n ed
alive.
de c l i n e in n u mber of strikes,
In 1894,
E u g e n e Debs des cr i be d the
Pullman b o y c o t t as an open s t r u g g l e b e t w e e n the working
c lass and a social
D-f
order which s a n c t i f i e d
the b a ttl es between
labor,
the power of
selfishness.7
and
or g an i zed capital
and i nd i c a t e d the fate of m an y radical
leaders.
With t h e d e c l i n e of the K n i g h t s of Labor,
many
w o r ke r s p l a c ed th eir h o p e s with t he AF of L. O r g a n i z e d
1886 by w o r k e r s with M a r x i s t
early r h e to r ic
Adolph S t r as s er
their beliefs,
betrayal
of
in radical
ideas,
terms.
t h e union
Although
The
couch e d
Samuel
in
its
Gompers,
and other early l e a d e r s w er e s i n c e r e
in
the ex p e r i e n c e of t h e u n i o n c on s t i t u t e d a
that ra d ic alism.
This was p a r t l y d u e to the
f o rm a ti o n of the A F of L e x p r e s s l y to d e fe n d c r af t work er s
against the w e a k n e s s of the Knig h ts of L a b o r . 3
i mportant r e a so n w as that Gompers"
un ionism"
"p u re and s i m p l e
g r a d u a l l y d i v or c ed him f ro m Marx i sm . 9
r e je c ti n g s o c i a l i s m
in the 1390s,
An even more
Form a ll y
the F e d e r a t i o n comm it t ed
6
itself
to craft organizaton,
t h e e x i s t i n g system.
u n s k il l ed
of
consolidating
its g ains w it h in
T h i s c o n s t i t u t e d u n i o n i s m ' s n e g l ec t of
w o r k e r s for the next f i f t y y e a r s and ab a nd o n m e n t
ind e pe n de n t poli t ic a l
activity.
A s t h e AF of L achi ev e d p r i m a c y among U.S.
radical
o r g a n i z a t i o n s faltered.
P a r t y split
"static,
of L caus e d most
and m a r gi n al " to the
Warfare b etween
of the SLF" s p roblems.
of L m e m b e r s to avoid political
In ret e li a tl o n,
a bo o m e r a n g effect,
de st r uc t i o n . i l
o n l y a small
after
in the w o r d s of his to r ia n James
isolated,
e x p e r i e n c e of l a b o r . 10
SLP.
t h e S o c i a l i s t L a b or
into the S L P and the S o c i a l i s t Party,
w h ich t h e SLP remained,
W einstein,
In 1889,
unions,
the SLP and the AF
G o mp e rs cou n se l ed
AF
i n v o l v e m e n t advo c at e d by t h e
the SLP a t t a c k e d the AF of L,
which
In
almo st caus e d the f e r m e r ' s
By the end of W o r ld War
I, the SLP clai me d
g r ou p of r a d i c a l s and was ignored by m a j or
labor g r o u p s . 12
In contrast,
no s i g n i f i c a n t s p l it s oc c u r r e d
betw ee n s o c i a l i s t s and t r a d e u n i o n i s t s
in England,
F r a n c e or
Germany.
The greater
So c i a l i s t Party.
ire of the AF of L fell
T his r ev i s i o n i s t
s o c i al i st group formed to
prot e st t h e S L P ' s t r a d e union attacks.
i ncluding t he A F of L, and a d v o c a t e d
l e g i s l a t i v e action.
By 1912,
It s u pp o rt e d unions,
political
and
the S P ’s 112,000 m e m b e r s m arked
t h e high point of so c i a l i s m in t h e U.S.
c ri t i c i z e d
upon the
The S o c ia l is t P a rty
G o m p e r s Tor h i s c o n c i 1 i a to r y stance toward
7
capital ism and h i s m e m b e rs h ip
in th e National
F e d e r a t i o n whi c h p r o c l a i m e d the identity of
capital
and
labor.
Party,
position,
that
i n t e r e s t s of
Put off by harsh c r i t i c i s m f r o m Eugene
D e b s and W i l l i a m D.
Labor
Ci vi c
Haywood,
and by at ta c ks of t h e S oc ialist
G o m p e r s r e ve r se d his former c o n c i l i a t o r y
tu rn e d p a r a n o i d about socialists,
and
i r r e c o n c i l a b l e d i f f e r e n c e s existed be t we e n
and t r a d e u n i o n i s t s . 14
an sxt r em e an t i- s oc i al i st
fnarksdlv from Eu ropaan
was crucial.
s upport
G o m p e r s r e sisted
t h e S P ' s aims
labor p o l i t i c a l l y conscious.
With such
u if fs r e d
socialists
In a similar m anner to h i s re a ct i on
to d i f f e r e n c e s w it h the SLP,
of m a k i n g
in sisted
labor
1 aadar s . 15
L a a d a rsh ip
The f a i l u r e of the SP to gain broad t r a d e union
furnished,
to W i l l i a m Dick,
the "fundamental
for th e f a i l u r e of S o c i a l i s m in the U . S . "16
tr ad e un io n
and
le a de r s who ad v oc a te d political
d e m o c r a t i c so c ialism,
U.S.
labor
r eason
U nlik e British
a c t i v i t y and
l eaders i nf o rm e d their
c o n s t i t u e n t s that th e g o a l s of the So c ia l is t P a r t y were not
only u n r e a l i s t i c bu t s u b v e r s i v e of tr ad e u n i o n p r i n c i p l e s . 17
A lt h o u g h
s o c i a l i s t e l e m e n t s re m ained strong
a f f i l i a t e d u n i o n s until
Wo r l d War
in m a n y AF of L
I, G o m p e r s ’ l e a d er s hi p
p o l i c i e s m a r g i n a l i z e d the s o c i a l i s t s and their p os i t i o n
d et eriorated
toward
in th e main union body.
The AF of L 's s t a n c e
the s o c i a l i s t s al l ow e d the union to ig no r e a large
body of s up p or t f r o m un s ki l le d
and n o n - in d us t ri a l
workers,
a
B
group which to Dick,
"might have supprted s e p a r a t e political
acti o n ."18
By 1900,
shop,
m a n u f a c t u r e r 5 orga ni z ed to push the open
withh o ld u n io n
recogni t io n ,
and t h e S h e rm a n A n t i t r u s t Act,
Major t r a d e u n i o n s ret r ea t ed .
Ho m e s t e a d s t r i k e r s had all
i n du s tr y the A m a l g a m a t e d
to ca rry the a tt a ck to labor.
By 1392,
A s s o ci a ti o n of
once t h e m o s t powerful
By
U.S.
Steel
its province.
destroyed
Outsi da of u r b an
Iron and
H a rvester
their
Steel
trade u n ion in the U . S . 19
ha d t o t a l l y eliminated
Interna ti o na l
i ndustr V both
the d e f e a t of the
but elimi n at e d f r o m the steel
Workers,
1909,
and aided by the c o u rt s
all
u n i o n s within
and t h e m ea t packing
workers-’ unio ns
In
1904.
a r e a s , acc o rd i ng to David M o n t g o m e r y , ail
u ni o ns but t h os e of m i n e r s were on the d e f e n s i v e or had been
d e s tr o ye d after t h e t u rn of the c e n t u r y . 20
The p a t t e r n of emp lo y er d es t ruction
of
some union s
fitted with t h e i n c r e a s i n g d o c i li t y and o u t ri g ht
col 1a b o ra t io n
of others.
This c o ndition f u r n i s h e d the
i m p et u s for th e f o r m a t i o n
U.S.
unions,
the
in
1905 of the most radi c al
Int e rn a ti o na l
of
W o rk e rs of t h e World.
A n n o u n c i n g a n e w m i l i t a n c y and w i ll i n g n e s s t o strike,
IWW c o n de m ne d t h e pat e rn a l
orga ni z ed
labor.
ma rgin of U.S.
The
labor,
IWW,
nevertheless,
and
remsiinsd on the
n e v er gaining ef f e c t i v e national
m em b e r s h i p or i n f lu e nc e .
WWI f i n al l y d e s t r o y e d
r e la t io n s between capital
the
the
The anti-radical
IWW.
After that,
p e r s e c u t i o n s of
with
the
9
e xc e p t i o n of a r e s u r g e n c e of labor r a d i c a l i s m in the 1930s,
U.S.
unions survived
With
radical
92 per cent of
dying by the
radical
insofar as t h e y w e r e b u s i n e s s u n i o n s . 21
unions small,
labor unorganized,
1920s,
the U.S.
c l a s s nature.
John R. C ommons,
m a j o r o n es conservative,
and the soci a li s t movem e nt
lacked
By 1935,
any expr e ss i on of a
t h e liistorian of U.S.
labor,
could remark upon t h e c ap i t u l a t i o n of labor
to A m e r i c a n c u l t u r e and the death of a f o r m e r l y sign i fi c an t
s oc i a l i s t m o v e m e n t .22 The U.S.
had a t ra d e union movement,
but no labor movement.
In a c c e p t i n g the capi t al i st
internalize capitalist
co n nec tio n e x i s t
bu s i n e s s
labor
id e o l o g y ? Does a direct
beti-jaen the soci o-cul tural
and g r o w i n g
labor d o c il i ty
d e gr e e did e l i t e ideological
si gn i f i c a n t
o r d e r , did labor
social
in this period? To what
d o m i n a n c e c on s t i t u t e a
f o r ce in the d e t e r m i n a t i o n of the
a s s u m p t i o n s a n d self
image of
labor,
Did labor a c q u i e s c e
in d e f i n i t i o n s of
co n t r a r y to radi ca l
labor ideas?
substitute their
primacy of
i.e.,
their real i ty ?
itself
If so,
that were
how did empl o ye r s
ideo lo g y for that of radical
labor? Did
c a p i t a l i s t i d e o l o g y di lute what m i g h t h ave b e c om e radical
social
consciousness?
T h o mp s on
insist,
a c c u lt u ra t io n ,
If,
as H e r b er t
Gutman and E.P.
labor strov e in v a in to resist its
then
how did o w ne r s d i f f u s e r e s i st a nc e ?
Was
the o u t c o m e of t hi s struggle a r e f l e c t i o n of the imposition
of o w n e r s v a l u e s upon
labor? And ult im a te l y,
how is power
10
d iv i d e d
in s o c i e t y ? What are t h e long ra n g e c o n s e q u e n c e s of
that d i vi s i o n for a ma j or i t y of
ro l e of
its m e m b e r s ? What
is the
i d e o l o g y in bl oc k in g t he e me r g e n t c o l l e c t i v e power
of labor,
when t h e latter seeks to t r a n s f o r m soc i et y ?
Th e t o p i c of thi s study is t h e id e ol o g y of
c a p i t a l i s m e x p r e s s e d by b u s i ne s sm e n
It s e e k s to isolate,
attitudes toward
in the period
1880-1910.
s y s t e m a t i z e and d e s c r i b e b us i n e s s
labor and their me t h o d of a p p l i c a t i o n to
s o c i e t y and to t h e workforce.
T hrough
o n - t h e - j o b m a n i pu l at i on ,
i m p o s it i on of ideology,
overt
i n cr easing direct,
s e l e c t i v e g o v e r n a n c e of the p r o v i n c e of
busi nes sme n
uhich
and their
ideo log ues cr eat ed a d omi nan t
ini-luenced th e discourse,
in parc
determined
ideological
1 a b o r 's social
stock of
ideology
knowledge,
l a bo r 's self definition.
perceived
in a ce rt a in m anner and a t t e mp t ed to
s o c i a l i z e w o r k e r s to th is perception,
significant factor
debate,
consci ous n e s s and ideas that
by implication,
labor
and
and,
B u s i n e ss m en
t h e r e b y co n s t i t u t i n g a
in the f o r m a t iv e p er i od of mod e rn working
cl a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s .
This inquiry s ee k s to d e s c r i b e that
p e r c e p t i o n w i t h i n the dominant
i de o l o g y and t he m e c h a n i s m of
its dis s em i na t io n .
Th e s c o p e of th i s study is c o n f i n e d to the ideas of
No rt h e r n b u s i n e s s m e n and m a n u f a c t u r e r s b etween
as e x p r e s s e d
in p u b l i sh e d writing,
1910
p u bl i c statements,
c o r r e s p o n d e n c e and t e s t i m o n y to gov e rn m en t al
inquiry.
1830 and
bo a r d s of
As t h e North w as the locus for b u s i n e s s activity,
11
itç b u s i n e s s m e n
t he c o m m er c ia l
set the i d eo logical
and industrial
T w o a n a ly t ic a l
into e l i t e control
T he s o c i o l o g y of
f rom Karl
p a t t e r n for the r est of
sector.
m odes are a p p r o p r i a t e for an inqu ir y
of the f o r m a t i o n of social
c on sciousness.
k n o wl e dg e o f f e r s an e x p l a n a t i o n derived
M annheim,
and in turn,
f ro m Karl
M a r x , of the
i n t e r p l a y of
i d e a s and c o n s c i o u s n e s s
In addition,
M a r x i s t h e g e mo n ic t h e o r y o f f e r s insight
t h e comp l ex
in a social
m e c h a n i s m by which t h e social
dialectic.
into
p r o ce s s is
g o v e r n e d by a d o m i n a n t set of m e a n i n g s and values.
The s o c i o l o g y of k n o w l e d g e a sk s two q uestions
r s l a vant to t h i s study.
taken
How do c e r t a i n notions come to be
for gr-arrtsd in a society'? A n d , how is the reali t y of
t h os e n o t i o n s m a i n t a i n e d ? M a r x i s t
h o ld s that social
d if f e r e n t
society,
promote
social
being d e t e r m i n e d
their
own ends,
M e m b e r s of
In a class
cl ass a d o p t s c e rt a in b e li e fs to
interests.
m o de s of prod u ct i on ,
d o m i n a n t class.
conscious n es s .
g ro u ps hold d i f f e r e n t beliefs.
a particular
its own
soci oloqy of knowl e dg e
Dominant
i d e as refl ec t dom i na n t
and in t hi s w a y are t h e i deas of the
C l a s s i n t er e st s s k e w or distort b e l i e f s to
and t hu s p r o m o t e f a l s e c on sciousness.
M a r x 's words,
T h e ideas of the r u l i n g c l a s s are in
e ve r y e p o ch t h e ruling ideas: i.e. the c l a ss
w hich is t h e ruling material f o r ce of soci et/,
is at t h e same time its r u l i n g i ntellectual
force. T h e c l a s s which h as t h e m e a n s of material
p r o d u c t i o n at its disposal, h as control at the
s a me t i m e over the m e an s of mental production,
so that thereby..,, the i d e as of those who lack
In
12
t h e me an s of mental p r o d u c ti o n are sub j ec t to
it. The ru li n g ideas are no t hi n g more than the
ideal e x p r e s s i o n of the dom i na n t material
r e l a t i o n s h i p s g r a s p e d as ideas.... Insofar,
therefore, a s . . . (the i n d i v i d u a l s of the r uling
class) r u l e as a c l a s s and d e t e r m in e the ext e nt
and co m p a s s of an epoch.., they do this in its
wh o l e range, h e n c e among other things r u l e a ls o
as thinkers, as p r o d u c e r s of ideas, and r e g u l a t e
t h e p r o d u c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n of the ideas of
their a g e . 23
C o n t e m p o r a r y M a r x i s t s h a v e modified M a r x ’s
de f i n i t i o n of i d e o l o g y as f a ls e consciousness.
Al t hu s se r
Louis
ar gu e s that i d e o l o g y d oe s des c ri b e reality,
c o n s t i t u t e s a “lived re la t io n "
id eology as a practice,
with the world.
for it
He de f in e d
not me r e l y an idea about the world
arising from m o d e s of p;-oducti on
Economic rsl ati. onsni os,
he
maintains,
c o n s t i t u t e t h e main factor
existence,
but t h ey do not. exist sep a ra t e from ideological
or political
of ca p it a li s t
c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e . 24
In Th e Soci_ai Ë 9 Q § t c y ç t i o n of Re a l^ t y
, a ut h o r s
Peter Be rg e r and T h o m a s Lu c km a n n posit an analytical
f ra m ew o rk
which d e m o n s t r a t e s th e manner
in which
is i n e x t r i c a b l y bound up with t he organis a ti o n
B erger
knowledge
of s o c i e t y . 25
and L u c k m a n n do n ot ass i gn a d e t e r mi n is t ic
r e l a t i o n s h i p b et w e e n
conditions.
ideas and
Rather,
their
dialectical
t h ey hold that the
s u s t a i n i n g social
o n e . 26
s us t ai n social
i d ea s and un d er l yi n g ec o no m ic
"relatio n sh i p b etween
pr o cesses is a l w a y s a
The p r o c e s s by which hu ma n s creaite and
g r o u p i n g s f u r n i s h e s the s t r u c t u r e by which
they s e l e c t i v e l y order t h e wor l d into c o herent
"reality"
and
lo
t ran s mi t that to newcomers.
individual
Therefore,
the social
and
c o n s c i o u s n e s s most h u m a n s t a k e for o b j e c t i v e
r e a l it y are pr o d u c t s of c o l l e c t i v e e n d e a v o r and vary b e tw e en
d i fferent societies.
their
social
society.
Hu mans canno t be u n d e rs t oo d a p art f r o m
context.
Knowledge,
C o n s c i o u s n e s s cannot be s e p a ra t ed from
w hich t he a u t h o r s d e f in e as the
"c ertainty that p h e n o m e n a are real
and h a v e certain
c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , " is alwa ys k n o w l e d g e from a certain,
s o ci a ll y g r o un d ed p o s i t i o n . 27
consciousness
hierarchies,
S i n c e individual
is s o c i a l l y c o n s t r u c t e d
this w orks to the a d v a n t a g e of grou p s and
inst itu tio ns whose d o mi nan ce p r o v i d e s
m an u f a c t u r s and control
All
and r e f l e c t s social
the power
knowle dge in tneir
human social
interaction,
to
own interests.
to the a u t h o r s , o c c u r s
within a h i g h l y str u ct u re d body of c o g n i t i v e determi n a n t s ,
the
"social
stock of
to t he individual.
knowledge,"
"reality"
T h i s r e a l it y c a r r i e s t h e m a ss i ve and
c o e r ci v e w e i gh t of parental
is a r e a l i t y of ordinary,
such,
w h i ch c o n s t i t u t e s
and general
social
authority.
c o mmon s e n s e conscio u sn e ss ,
and as
exis t s as the domi na n t r e a l i t y for e v e r y m e mb e r of
society.
The social
individual
stock of k n o w l e d g e p r e s c r i b e s for the
an i d e nt i ty by w hich he p l a c e s himself
r e f er e nc e to the institutions,
in
b e l i e f s and in d iv i d u a l s of
soci e t y .
Social
s tr u c t u r e s known as i n s t i t u t i o n s f u n c t i o n
both to m a i n ta i n the social
stock of
k n o w l e d g e and to
It
14
p r o v i d e d e finition,
o t h e r w i s e be c h a o s
sense,
control
clear,
direction
in hum an
and st a bi l i t y to what would
interaction.
c o n s t i t u t e s an a g g l o m e r a t i o n of
"collectively relevant
rigid,
Society,
in one
i n s t i t u t i o n s which
conduct" by e s t a b l i s h i n g
p r e d e f i n e d no r m s of t h ought and b e h a v i o r . 28
"To say that a s e g m e n t of huma n a c t i v i t y has been
i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d , " Be r g e r and L uc k ma n n maintain,
that t h i s a c t i v i t y has been
c o n t r o l ".29
I n s t i tu t io n al
r e l a t i o n s h i p t o the
kn ow l e d g e which,
As i n d i v i d u a l s
institutions,
b ec o m e s
ap a r t
o r d e r s can be u n d e r s t o o d onl y in
into and p e r c e i v e
of re al i t y o? an insti tut ion
or e x p e r i e n c e d
as ha vi n g an a orior
from the i n d i v i d u a l s which c o m p o s e it.
Th ro u gh th i s c o g n i t i v e process,
i n s t i t u t i o n s as
its p a r t i c i p a n t s ha v e of it,
p r e s c r i b e s norms of c o n d u c t .
are born
t he n o t i o n
"cryscal 1 ized"
existence,
"subsumed unde r social
" k no w le d ge "
in turn,
is to say
" p os s es s in g
individuals experience
a r e a l i t y of their
own, a
r e a l i t y that c o n f r o n t s t h e i n d i v i d u a l s as an external
c o e r c i v e f a c t . "30
In t hi s manner,
i ns t it utional
and
r ea l i t y
comes to h a v e a "s en s e of comp r eh e ns i ve and given
r e a l i t y . ..a n a l o g o u s t o the r e a l i t y of the natural
O nl y in this way,
as an o b j e c t i v e world,
world.
can th e social
f o r m a t i o n s b e t r a n s m i t t e d to a new g e n e r a t i o n ."31
Institutionalization
g u a r a n t e e s patterned,
r e p e t i t i v e behavior.
Social
institutionalization,
itself
control
habitual,
is the fu n c t i o n of
the basi s of t h e social
IS
c o n s tr u ct i on of reality.
For example,
in d iv i d u a l s a c c u m u l a t e a b o d y of
kn o w l e d g e d e f i n i n g t h e special
p r o v i n c e of
kn o w l e d g e f u n c t i o n s as a "channeling,
i n d i s p e n s a b l e to t he inst i tu t io n al
activity.
shop,
payments,
factory,
itself.
c o n t r o l l i n g force..,
'program m in g '
r e l a t i o n s h i p s to s p e c i f i c
and t h e larger i n st i t u t i o n a l
industry,
" of worker
This b o dy of
this b o d y of
s u b j e c t i v e rsaility."33
l a b o r . 32
as it is "1 e a r ne d
so cia l i c a t i o n
in stitutions:
f r am e wo r k of
k n o wl e dg e s e r v es as an o b j e ct i ve
knowledge
in the c o ur se of
tools,
socie t y and the e c o n o m i c system
d es c r i p t i o n of t h e i n s t i tu t io n of
modern
This
It p r o v i d e s a v o c a b u l a r y and c o n s c i o u s n e s s
d e s i gn a ti n g workers'
usages,
labor.
W o rk e rs adopt
as o b je c ti v e truth
and t h u s in t e r n a l i z e d
as
The same e x a m p l e w o r k s with other
t he state,
property,
law,
e d ucation or
reli gi o n .
The c o e r c i v e p ower of i n s t i t u t i o n s o v er individual
thought and b e h a v i o r
f a c t i c i t y ," as t h e y
d e r i v e s from the
"s h e e r f o r c e of their
e x e r c i s e direct and
c o n t r o l . The m o r e c o n d u c t
indirect
forms of
is i n s t it u ti o na l iz e d,
t he m or e p r e d i c t a b l e and t hu s the more
co nt r o l l e d it becomes. If s o c i a l i z a t i o n into the
i n s t i t u t i o n s h a s been effective, o u t r i g h t
c o e r c i v e m e a s u r e s can be appl i ed e c o n o m i c a l l y
and sel ec t iv e ly . Most of t h e time, c o n d u c t will
occur "3 p o n t a n e o u s e 1y " within the
in st i tu t io n al 1 y set channels. T he more, on the
level of meaning, conduct is taken for granted,
the more p o s s i b l e a l t e r n a t i v e s to the
in st i tu t io n al "programs" will r e c e d e , and the
m o r e p r e d i c t a b l e and c o n t ro l le d c o n d u c t will
16
b e . 34
I n s t i tu t io n s do not have an a u t o m a t i c a l l y g u a r an t ee d
existence.
They r e q u i r e continual
r e a f fi r ma t io n b y
i n d i v i d u a l s t h r o u g h t h e p r o c e s s of legitimation.
e x p l a n a t i o n s of
defining,
l e g i t i m a c y are inherent
l a n g ua g e itself
legitimation.
Thus,
of
a p p r o p r i a t e to cousinhood.
"how t h i n g s are done,"
sp ec i a l i z e d b o d i e s of theory.
msiiior i i ng . Ritual
in the p r o c e s s of
is the first level
l e gi t i m a t i o n r a n g e f r o m aphorisms,
d e f i n i t i o n s of
S ince
to n a m e another person cous i n
l e g i t i m a t e s be h a v i o r
of
living
affirmation
O t h er fo rms
morali sms,
and
to s o p h i s t i c a t e d and
Ideologues
simp li f y
of 1 eg 11 1 mati cns are
a c c o m p l i s h e d by t e c h n i q u e s such as fetishism,
rituali za t io n ,
and s y mbolization.
On its hi g h e s t and most abstract
i nt e g r a t e s all
coherent,
the va ri o us
cosm o lo g ic a l
institutional
whole.
level,
legitimation
r e a l i t i e s into a
At this l e v e l , all
th e lesser
l e g i ti m at i ng t h e o r i e s c o m b i n e into related e l e m e n t s of a
s y m bo l ic universe.
T h i s universe,
" t ra n sc e nd s and i n c l u d e s
w h o l e social
body of
the institutional
construct now
labor
i d eo l og y r e p r e s e n t s a small
is to locate all
i n s ti t ut i on a l
s y mb o li c
o r d e r . "35 The
"makes s e n s e . " The e x a m p l e of the
t he o ry of the u n i v e r s e and of man.
meaningful,
Berger and Lu c k m a n n hold,
portion
Therefore,
of a grand
to l e gi t i m a t e
no rms within a comprehe n si v e,
u n i v e r s e which,
in the W e s t , has
17
v a r i o u s desi g na t io n s:
s c i e n c e . 36
T h e lesser,
link with t h e grand
uni ve r sa l
divine will,
natural
lower level
intellectual
law,
and
l e g i t i m a t i n g t h e o ri e s
c o n s t r u c t i o n s on the
level.
The o p e r a t i o n of a s o c i al l y c o n s t r u c t e d
u n i v e r s e r e s t s on t h e underlying
social
ideological
s t r u c t u r e which
" p er m it s t h e d e f i n e r s to do t he d e f i n i n g . "37 Historically,
the social
d ivision
of p er s o n n e l
b o d i e s of
of
labor allo w ed t he em e r g e n c e of bodies
r e s p o n s i b l e for the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of
kn o wledge.
The ideological
m o n o p o l y of these
1 sgi ti .Tiûtcrs d e r iv e d from the e s t a b l i s h e d
The 1 egi ti m a t e r s
served
social
structure.
the i n t er e st s of elites.
Berger and
L u c km a nn r e s e r v e the term "ideoioqy"
to a "p a r t i c u l a r
concrete power
special
to r e f er spe ci f ic a ll y
d e finition of real i t y ... attached to a
i n t e r e s t . "33
They w o u l d not use the term
ideology' to r e f e r to C h r is t ia n it y in t h e M i dd l e ages,
that s y m b o l i c
u n i v e r s e engulfed the e n t i r e
to s e r f . A f t e r
the industrial
r e vo lution,
C h r i s t i a n i t y b e c a m e a bour g eo i s ideology.
used t he C h r i s t i a n
tradition and
explain,
"whi c h
be r e g a r d e d
as
society from lord
however,
"The bo u r g e o i s i e
its p e r s on n el
s t r u g g l e a g a i n s t t h e new working c l a s s, "
reality,
in its
t h e authors
in most European c o u n t r i e s could no longer
’inhabiting'
t h e C h r i s t i a n u n i v e r s e . “39
S i n c e obj e ct i va t io n and l e g i t i m a t i o n
portray
for
f unction to
k n o w l e d g e as a body of u n i v e r s a l l y valid truth about
any d ev i a t i o n from i n s t i tu t io n al
n o r m s c o n s ti t ut e s
13
a th reat to t h e m a i n t e n a n c e of the social
s t a t us quo,
t h r e a t e n s th e a u t h o r i t y of the 1egi ti mators.
p r i me r e q u i r e m e n t of h uman existence.
o rder
is c o n t i n u a l l y
O r der
for
it
is t h e
The institutional
"faced with the o n g oi n g n e c e s s i t y of
keeping c h a o s at bay.
All
socie t ie s are c o n s t r u c t i o n s in the
face of c h a o s . "40 It f o l l o w s that those with t h e most to
fear
from social
d i s r u p t i o n s and the most to lose in the
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n or c o l l a p s e of the social
inve st i ng most
energy
in legitimation.
order will
be t h o s e
T h e c o n v e r s e is t he
seed of re v o l u t i o n .
For t h e p u r p o s e
univerEe,
functi on
vai" i ous
as fuil
o rder : priests,
and bus i ne s sm e n.
ins ti t ut i on a l
of mai n t ai ni ng t he s y m b o l i c
i ndi v i d u a l E
and groups within
1 1 ms 1 eg i t ;imator e; of the
prof e ss o rs ,
editors,
i nsti tuti cnal
judges,
The 1e g i t i m a t o r s ’ task
a society
politicians,
is to i m pr e ss
m e a n i n g s " p o w er f ul l y and u n f o r g e t t a b l y on the
c o n s c i o u s n e s s of t he in d ividual"
by va r i o u s m e a n s . 41
D e f i n i t i o n s of r e a l i t y may be enforced by the police,
rema in
and
"no l e s s c o n v i n c i n g than t hose accepted
’v o l u n t a r i 1 y ’ . . .. " 42
i n s ti t utional
Even
fu n ctions,
the i n s t i t u t i o n
nor
is innoc e nt of
neither the o bj e c t i v e r e a l i t y of
its power to coerce are diminished.
N e i t he r the rel u ct a nt ,
i ns t it u ti o na l
if the individual
th e unwil l in g nor t h e n a i v e e s c ap e
control.
Historically,
d e vi a nt id eas c h a l le n ge d th e d o m i n a n t
s ymbo l ic u n i v e r s e and the institutional
order w h ich
it
19
legitimates.
S uch c h a l l e n g e s r eq u ir e both
a l t e r n a t i v e i d e a s and
r e p r e s s i o n .43
of the mea n s of
T h e s u c c e s s of the r e p r e s s i v e m a c h i n e r y and
its l e g i t i m a t i o n
it.
legi t im a ti o n
r e p r e s s i o n of the
d e p e n d s upon the powe r of t h o s e who op e ra t e
As Be rg e r and L u c k m a n n explain,
stick has the bet t er
"he who h a s the bigger
c h a n c e of i m posing his d e f i n i t i o n s of
reali t y ."44
L eg itimation
c o n s t r u c t e d unive rs e .
re al i t y of d e v i a n t
s u s t a i n s the r e a l i t y of the s o ci a l l y
Ni hi 1 ati o n , its opposite,
ideas.
d en i e s the
Ni hi 1ati on is a s pe c i f i c fo r m of
r e p r e s s i v e m a c h i n e r y whi ch d i s c r e d i t s or de s t r o y s
opposi ti onal
forms of t ho u gh t or b ehavior
by danving
the
Legi 1 1 m a t o r s d e s i g n a t e any de\'i an ce f r o m i nsc i tuci onal 1 y
a p p roved co n d u c t
mental
evil. 45
disease,
or t ho u gh t
ignorance,
as moral
folly,
depravity,
lawlessness,
m a d n e s s or downright-
The y s o m e t i m e s ni hi late d eviant c o n c e p t s by
d e s t r o y i n g t h o s e who h ol d them.
The a u t h o r s d e f i n e s o c i a l i z a t i o n as the
" c o mp r e h e s i v e and c o n s i s t e n t
induction of an individual
the o b j e c t i v e wor l d of a s o c i e t y . "46
su cc e ss when
S o c i a l i z a t i o n ac h ieves
a larg e d e g r e e of s y mm e t r y
o b j e c t i v e and s u b j e c t i v e r e a l i t y . 47
in va r yi n g
degrees,
is ob t ai n ed be t we e n
I nd i vi d u a l s never
t ot a l l y i n t e r n a l i z e o b j e c t i v e reality,
s oc i a l i z e d
into
r a t h e r they are
d e p en d in g on the r e la t i v e
c o m p l e x i t y of t h e s o c i e t y in question.
S i n c e s o c i al i za t io n
20
is im b ed d ed
explain,
in social
structure,
Berger and L u ck m an n
the g r ea t es t d e g r e e of s o c i a l i z a t i o n
is li k el y to occur in s o c i e t i e s with
v e r y si m pl e d i v i s i o n of labor and minimal
d i s t r i b u t i o n of knowledge. S o c i a l i z a t i o n under
such c o n d i t i o n s p r o d u c e s i d e n t i t i e s that are
s o c i a l l y p r e d e f i n e d and p ro f i l e d to a high
degree. S i n c e e v e r y individual is co n fr o n t e d
wit h e s s e n t i a l l y the same institu t io n al pr og r am
for his life in t h e society, t h e total f o r c e of
t h e i ns t it utional order is br ought to bear with
m o r e or less equal weight on each individual,
p r o d u c i n g a c o m p e l l i n g m a s s i v i t y for the
o b j e c t i v e r e a l i t y to be i n t e r n a l i z e d . 48
Modern
i ndustrial
s o c i e t i e s with a high
l a b o r , high e c o n o m i c surplus,
not offer
g r e a t l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e d social
the m e a n s o-f ma:i ntai ning e f f e c t i v e monopoly
el i tes
over §1,1 c o mp e t i n g
Modern
di v is i on of
d e f i n i t i o n s of real itv at all
times.
s o c i e t i e s g e n e r a l l y have a common cor e i d eo l og y which
m e m b e r s ta k e for g r a n t e d and whi ch e x i s t s s u p e r i m p o s e d
v a r i o u s lesser
ideologies.
c l a s s e s ha v e d i f f e r e n t
Put an other way,
r e a l i t i e s . 49
"Coexistence",,
d if f er e nt
H o w e v e r , h e ge m o n i c
t heory o ff e r s a h y p o t h e s i s to e x pl a i n
the m ost powerful
how the
"reality"
cla ss u l t i m a t e l y o v e r w h e l m s all
Between
1880 and
1910,
of
others.
in B e r g e r and Lu c km a nn 's definition,
only to a point.
above
for example,
operat e s
the
e x i s t e n c e of w o rk i ng clc;ss id e ol o gy d e m o n s t r a t e s that the
d o m inant
i de o l o g y was not absolute.
the p r e s e n c e of
o p p os i ti o na l
Mi 1 ton Can t or indicates
wor k in g cla ss ideology,
but
po in t s out that th e s e id ea s were in the p ro c e s s of being
21
s ub o rd i n a t e d w it h i n t h e d o m i n a n t c u l t u r e . 50
Co ns t a n t t e ns i o n e x i s t s between do m inant
l e g it i m a t o r s and a l t e r n a t i v e ideas,
e v e nt u a l l y s ub s um e d under the
i n co r po r at e d
controlled,
larger
into it as op p os itional
ideologies.
Thus,
ideology,
or
but c o n t a i n e d and
Stuart Hall
de sp i t e the s e e m i n g l y o p po s i t i o n a l
labor,
but the latter are
e x p l a i n s how,
ideological
st a n c e of
d o mi n an t el i t e s u t i l i z e the institutional
o pp o s i t i o n s
of the w o r k i n g c l a s s as i n s t r u m e n t s of domination:
The d om i n a t e d c la s s e s which ha v e their
own o b j e c t i v e b as i s in the system of p r o d u c t i v e
relations, their own d i s t i n c t i v e -i^orms of social
life and c la s s p r a c t i c e r e m a i n . . .a c o r p o r a t e
cla s s cuitLira which is never thel ass COriTAitiED.
When t h e s e s u b o r d i n a t e d cl a ss e s are not strong
or s u f f i c i e n t l y or g an i z e d to represent a
'c ou n te r - h e g e m o n i c ' fo r c e to the e x i s t i n g order,
th ei r own c o r p o r a t e s t ru c t u r e s and i n s t i t u t i o n s
can be used by the d om i na n t struct u re as a mea n s
of en f or c i n g their c o n t i n u e d s u bo r dinations. The
t r a d e unions, whi ch ar i s e as a d ef e n s i v e set of
i n s t i t u t i o n s in the wo rk i ng class, can
n e v e r t h e l e s s be used to pr o vi d e a s t r u c t u r e
wh ic h p e r p e t u a t e s the C O R P O R A T E N E S S of that
class, c o n f i n i n g its o p p o s i t i o n within limits
wh ic h the sy s t e m can c o n t a i n . ... 51
In a d d i t i o n to the s o c i o l o g y of knowledge,
M arxian t h e o r y of h e g e m o n y o f f e r s an e x p l an a ti o n
social
f u nc t io n of e l i t e ideology.
origi n at e d
Gramsci
of the
The c o nc e pt of he g e m o n y
with the M arxist t h eo r is t
Antonio G r a m s c i .52
st u di e d the lack of c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s of the
Italian p r o l e t a r i a t
which
the
of
it was c o n t r o l l e d
1 9 1 5- 1 93 0 and the s ee m in g
by elites.
Ruling elites,
e ase with
he wrote,
ge ne r a t e among t h e m s e l v e s d e s i r e s for h e ge m on i c control
as
a u t h o r i t i e s . . . have lost c r e d i t . 53
The f o r m a t i o n of
"newly p r o b l e m a t i c
post-traditional
m a r k e t p l a c e of
over
ideo lo g y is a r e s p o n s e to the
n a t u r e of social
s o c i e t y . "54
reality
As t r a d i t i o n a l i s m wanes,
i d eas a r is e s in modern
i de a s c ommences.
in
a
s o c i e t y and a stru g gl e
T h i s str u gg l e c e n t e r s arou nd wtat
f o r m s and d e f i n i t i o n s of r e al i ty are t o p r e d o m i n a t e and
c o n s t i t u t e s a cent r al
industrial
reality
society.
e l e me n t of c l a s s s t r u g g l e in
T h e control
b e c o m e s a p o l i ti c al
e l it e s to d e t e r m i n e and
of social
question
d e f i n i t i o n s of
in that
it allow s
1eoi ti mate the d i s t r i b u t i o n
of oower
F o r n s i n g on t n = m a c h in e ry of s l i t s d o m in a ti o n of
w o rk i ng
that
class and o th e r
hegemoni c cont r ol
of one c lass
propagate
itself
o nly a unison
i nt e ll e ct u al
achieved
"tends
s u b o rd i na t e groups,
Sramsci
occurs when t he p a r t i c u l a r
to prevail,
to gain
of e c o n o m i c
and moral
and political
u n i t y . . . . "56
t h r o ug h t h e active,
found
ideo l og y
the upper hand,
t h r o u g h o u t society - b r i n g i n g
aims,
chs
to
about not
but also
This dominance
is
o b j e c t i v e a t t e m p t s of ruling
e l i t e s to o r g a n ! z e and command
the ideas,
consci D u s n es s of subordinsite classes.
sentiments,
In S t u ar t Hsill's
e x pianati on.
G ramsci argu ed that ’h e g e m o n y ’ ex i sts
when a r u l i n g c 1a s s . . . i s able not only to coerce
a subordi rate c l a s s to conf o rm to its interests,
but e xe r ts a ’total social a ut horitv' over th ose
and
they a s pire to general
Elit es r e a l iz e that
social
social
and cultural
a ut h o r i t y and
leadership.
ideological
d o m i n a n c e are central
to m a i n t e n a n c e of the e s ta b l i s h e d
order.
r e l a t i o n s h i p s of p o w er
The st r uctural
Gramsci
a s s u m e d , were t h os e of centrali z ed ,
p r i va t e c a p i t a l i s m and its political
arm,
in that order,
monopolized,
t he modern n a tion
state.
H eg e m o n i c
i d e o l o g y de p e n d s upon t h e historical
d ev e l o p m e n t of what A l v in B ou l d n e r c a l l s a po s t- t ra d it i on a l
society,
that is,
a s o c i e t y havin g a t t a i n e d a suf f ic i en t
degree of urb an ! za t i o n , c e n t r a l i z a t i o n
q r owtii to foster
class:
control
of u r b an
modes of control
need for
the a sc e n dan c v
labor at
i mp l em e n t a t i o n arise.
d i s c o u r s e among
of do m i n a n t
ti
have d isappeared.
i d e o lo g y as social
and technologi cal
control
bou r g e o i s
p o i n t when tradicionai
At t h i s juncture,
the
and t he m e a n s for its
E l i t e s d e ve l op a d o c t r i n e of public
literate,
fun c ti o n of t r a di t io n al
u r ban p o p u l a t i o n s that
forms of social
control.
assu m es the
As G a u l dn e r
explains:
O r d i na r il y , in a t r a d i t i o n a l i s t i c
setting, the e s t a b l i s h e d c o n s e ns u al v a l i d at i on
of the g r o u p ’s b e l i e f s s u p p r e s s e s q ue s t i o n s of
th eir validity, and q u e st i on s that do a r i s e may
be sett l ed by t he d e c is i on of a c o m m o n l y
a c c ep t ed auth o ri t y. Fail i ng con se n su a l
v al i dation, as the new i n d u s t r i a l i s m s u c ce e ds
and r e p l a c e s the old t r a d i t i o n a l i s t i c
ar rangements, b e l i e f s do indeed b e c o m e
p r o b l e m a t i c and must be given s o m e ju s ti f i c a t i o n
- a new kind of ju s tification, in r ea s on and
evidence, p r e c i s e l y b e c a u s e the older
cl a s s e s and the social forma t io n as a whole.
'Hegemony' is in o p e r a t i o n when the d o m in a nt
c lass f r a c t i o n s not o n ly do m i n a t e but di rect lead: when t h e y not o n ly p o s se s the power to
c o er c e but a c t i v e l y o r g a n i z e so as to command
and win the c o n s en t of the subo r di n at e d clas se s
t o their c o n t i n u i n g s w a y . 57
The key conce p t
m a in t ai n power
is that d ominant e l it e s a c q u i r e and
di r e c t l y and
i n d i r e c t l y by impo si n g their
c o n c e p t s and d e f i n i t i o n s of t h e Way Things Are,
c on t r o l l i n g
th e fr a m e w o r k of
As Hall
suggests,
impo si t io n of a formal
is a conscious,
Ideology.
words,
the
formal,
and by
dis c us s io n and thought.
h e g e m o n i c power is m o r e than the
s y s t e m of e lite ideology.
An ide o lo g y
a r t i c u l a t e d system of belie f s held
The heqeiTiornc p r o c e s s constitutes,
"whole lived social
in Hall 's
p r o ce s s as p ra c t i c a l l y
o r g a n iz e d by s p e ci f ic and do m i n a n t
meanings and v a l u e s . "58
C o n s c i o u s n e s s is c o n t r o l l e d by m o r e than the o bj e c t i v e
s y s te m r e p r e s e n t e d
all
by ideology.
r e l a t i o n s h i p s w h ich
i n v o l v e d o minators and dominated,
over e v e r y r a n g e of poli t ic a l
social
deference.
Its f o rm ulation o c c u r s in
control,
H e g e m o n i c control
and b e c o m e s the natural
economic c o e rc i on sind
pene t ra t es c o n s c i o u s n e s s
or the unquestionable.
E lite d e f i n i t i o n s of
social
reality c a rr y great
social
w e ig h t b e c a u s e of b uilt
power.
T h e s e d e f e r e n c e s e n h a n c e the he gemonic system.
r e l a t i o n s h i p betwe e n
social
in def e re n ce to p r e s t i g e and
The
d e f e r e n c e to e l it e s and the
le g it i ma t io n of e l it e id eo l og y e x i s t s
A l t h o u g h c o n t e n di n g
in a m a r k e t p l a c e of
t h o s e which seek t o deny
power,
is symbiotic form.
ideas which include
its l e g i t i m a c y and overturn
its
th e id e ol o gy of ca p t i a l i s t e l i t e s has the a dv antage
of r e in f o r c e m e n t by their
r e l i g i o u s and moral
force,
To R a ym o n d
social
antecedents:
and v i s i b l e di s p l a y of wealth.
Williams,
hegemony
"supposes the
e x i s t e n c e of s o m e t h i n g wh ic h is t r u l y total..,
lived at such depth,
e x t e n t " that
it
which
which is
s a t u r a t e s s o c i e t y to such an
" c o n s t i t u t e s t he limit of
most pe o p l e under
prestige,
its s w a y . "59
common sense for
W i l l i a m s explains,
upper level of 'ideology', nor are its forms of
control only thos e ord i n a r i l y seen as
’manipul a ti o n' or ’ i n d o c t r i n a t i o n . ’ It is a
wh o l e body of p r a c t i c e s and expectation, over
the whole of living: our s en s e s and assignments
of energy, our sha p in g p e r c e p t i o n s or ourselves
and our world. It is a lived s y s t e m of meanings
and v a lu e s - c o n s t i t u t i v e and co n st i t u t i n g which as t h e y are e x p e r i e n c e d as p r actices
a ppear as r e c i p r o c a l l y c o nf i rming. It thus
c o n s t i t u t e s a s en s e of r e a l i t y for most people
in the society, a sense of a b s o l u t e because
ex p e r i e n c e d r e a l i t y beyond which it is very
di f fi c ul t for most m e m b e r s of t h e society to
move, in most ar e as of t he i r lives. It is...in
the s t r o n g es t s e ns e a ’c u l t u r e ’ , but a culture
which has al s o to be seen as th e lived d o minance
and s u b o r d i n a t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r c l a s s e s . 60
To Gramsci
h e g e m o n y o p e r a t e s t hr o ug h two mechanisms:
v o l u n t a r y c on s en t t o t he social
a u t h o r i t y of p rivate elite
s o c i e t y and the use of f or c e by the state.
r e s t s on the i n t e r p l a y be t w e e n t h e s e tw o
co er c i o n and e l i t e social
authority,.
Hegemonic power
levels,
state
The hegemonic power of
26
ruling e l i t e s r e s t s upon the c o e r c i v e pow er
and use of t h i s power,
in turn,
to p r i v a t e e l i t e authority.
is at o n c e th e i n i t i a t i n g
u s e of s ta t e force.
r e i n f o r c e s g eneral
In t h i s manner,
Gramsci
th a n the u s e of s t a t e force.
states,
t h e fo r m e r predomi nates.
ideology,
Gramsci,
f orm of social
In liberal
c r e a t e s several
capitalist
c o n d i t i o n s in
its ideas as d e r i v a t i v e of
to the who le of society,
Ai t h o u g h , to
t h e sta t e ex i s t s as the po l it i ca l
n e v er t he l es s ,
and
and bv po s i n g the
r a t h e r than a c o r p o r a t e plane.
that class,
arm of
one class,
is a bl e to pr e se n t its i n t e r e s t s
as c o o r d i n a t e with the i n t e r e s t s of
all
other classes,
to p o r t r a y its p ow e r as t h e p r o g r e s s i v e f o r c e w h i c h
n ational
e n e r g i e s . 61
a l l o w s polit ic a l
The co n c e p t of general
a c t i v i t y to c onceal
p r a c t i t i o n e r s any c la s s motives.
explains,
power
It o b s c u r e s c l a s s bias in an
by p r e s e n t i n g
beneficial
universal
domination
realm.
hegemonic
m a i n t a i n e d that e l i t e s p e r c e i v e
control
the i d eological
co ns e nt
fac t or and the b e n e f i c i a r y of the
v o l u n t a r y co n s e n t t o be a m ore p ow e rf u l
Hegemonic
of t h e state,
d e f i n e th e i r po w er
and
develops
interests
from eli te
Elites,
Alvi n G ou l d n e r
in t e r m s of grou p benefits.
Their cla i m is that when t h e y seek
office, power, livings, tenures, or income, they
do not seek t h e m as p r i v a t e e n j o y m e n t s but onl y
b e c a u s e t h e y a d va n c e c o l l e c t i v e interests.
I de o lo g y t hu s serves, on t h e one hand, to per m it
r uth 1e s s n e s s to o t h e r s in t h e n a m e of high
values, and, on the other, t o p resent o n eself as
h av i ng a s e l f l e s s ambition, that n o n p a r t i s a n s h i p
which l e g i t i m a t e s a n y c l a i m to power. I de o lo g y
t h e r e b y p e r m i t s t h e m o b i l i z a t i o n of pow e r and,
at the s a m e time, all o ws its full and
u n r e s t r a i n e d d i s c h a r g e . 62
Th e u n i v e r s a l i z i n g
of c l a s s i nto general
oc cu r s in part b e c a u s e of t h e manner
in whi ch politi c al
s o c ie t y f r a g m e n t s m e m b e r s of a class,
individual
what Hall
c i t i z e n s or voters,
ter m s c l a s s neutral
community,
general
the nation,
interest,
representing
t h e m as
and then r e u n i t e s t he m
"ideological
p u b l i c opinion,
t h e po pu l ar
in t e r e s t s
will,
into
totalities"
c o ns e ns u s,
society,
- the
the
or c o n s u m e r s . 63
This p r o c e s s of f r a g m e n t a t i o n and r e c o m b i n a t i o n e n a b l e s
d o m inant e l it e s to r e s h a p e
sasiiv m a n i p u l a t e d
in such liberal
freedom,
individual
wi l l s
into a for m more
toi-jard their cl ass requi rements.
b o u r g e o i s n o t i o n s as tradition,
or moral
right ne s s,
such
id e ological
Cloa ked
liberty,
totalities
g en e r a t e i m a g i n a r y u n i t y and consent.
Cl as s i n t e r e s t s also d i s g u i s e t h e m s e l v e s as general
i n t er e s t s t h r o u g h
tradition.
actual,
a proc ess Willi ams calls the s el ect ive
T his i n v o l v e s p r o m o t i n g
s i g n i fi c an t ,
a b o d y of id e a s as the
most m e aningful
tradi ti o n s e l e c t s f r o m h i s to r ic a l
past.
Selective
e x p e r i e n c e c e r t a i n fact s
which are e m p h a s i z e d and o t h e r s which a r e a c t i v e l y
e x c l u d e d .64
tradition,
The power of r ul i n g el i te s r es t s on history,
and t h e moral
claimed t o ha v e u n i v e r s a l
v a l u e s of
validity.
although s e l e c t i v e l y c o mp i l e d
truth
in s o c i e t y
an e a r l i e r a g e whic h are
T h i s general
by ruling
elites,
history,
p a s s e s for
and p r e s c r i b e s the b o u n d s of what
28
d i s c u s s i o n s are tolerated.
tradition,
By t h e p r o c e s s of sel ec t iv e
d i s s e n t is i ns t i t u t i o n a l i z e d ,
practical
purposes,
suggests,
f rame
t he^r r a n ge
diffused.
subordination
D o m i n a n t elites.
Hall
" c ompeting d e f i n i t i o n s of r e a l i t y wi_thin
, b r i n g i n g all
of t h ou g ht . "
and for all
Thus,
a l t e r n a t i v e s w i t h i n their hori zo n
subordinated classes
"make s e nse of their
in such a w a y as to su s t a i n the d o m i n a n c e of
t h o s e r u l in g o ver t h e m . "65
Since t h e goal
of h e g e m o n y is to c r e a t e mass
a l l e g i a n c e to t he e s ta b li s he d order,
me a n i n g s and v a l u e s over others.
se l e cti ng
ideas from the past,
c h a l 1 engi ng i d e o l o g i e s of
it e m p h a s i z e s certain
This o c c u r s not just while
but w h i l e confr ont ing
other
classes.
D o mi nan t
ideology
cann ot a llow t o o great a d e g r e e of e x p e r i e n c e outside
itself,
w i th o ut risk.
In its n a s c en t period,
b o u r ge o is
s o c i e t y t o l e r a t e d certain s p h e r e s of reli g io u s,
pr i v a t e life w i th o ut s ig n i f i c a n t
century,
W i l l i a m s explains,
ch a r a c t e r of labor,
concern.
or
By t h e twen ti e th
b e c a u s e of c h a n g e s
of c o m m u n i c a t i o n , and
artistic
in the social
of decision,
the
d e f in i ti o n of d e vi a nt or o p p o si t io n al
i d e as or p r a c t i c e s is
made w i t hi n a much n a rr o we r s c o p e . 66
T h e e m er g en c e of mass
s o ci e ty e x t e n d s t h e
"nec e ss a ry a re a of e f f e c t i v e dominance,"
and r e d u c e s t h e level
of e l i t e t o l e r a n c e of idsclcgical
d i versi t y .
In summary,
the interest
c e r t ai n social
m e c h a n i s m s function
of domi n an t g r ou p s to impo s e
in
ideo l og y on t hose
29
with
few c o r r e s p o n d i n g means of c o n s t r u c t i n g and m ai n t a i n i n g
alt er n at i ve s .
Th i s is th e s t r u c t u r e of hegemony.
and c o g n it i on are gr o un d ed
system.
Thus,
Th i nk i n g
in and f u nc t i o n through
the cl a ss
the d o m in a nt c u l t u r e is self defined and sw ay s
t he r e m a i n d e r of s oc i e t y to s h a r e its v a l u e s . 67
When o p e r a t i o n s of h e g e m o n y and the s e lective
c o n s t r u c t i o n of social
r ea l i t y a r e interw ov e n with the vast
i n c r e a s e of f o r m s of dir e ct c o ntrol
e x p a n d e d use of st a te co e rc i on
in
of
industrial
labor disputes,
labor,
the
and th e
i n c r e a s e s in f o r m s of m e d i a i n f l u e n c e over urban
po p ul a ti o ns ,
then the ab i l i t y of on e class to im po s e its
id eol o g y over other
clas ses b e c o m e s clear.
operate etfectivalv
in an i ndu strial
These fa cto rs
capitalist
wh e r e c l a s s a n t a g o n i s m p r o d u c e s d e v i a n t behavior
opposition
ideology.
In this context,
elites
in the period
in f lu e nc e d
1880-1910.
individual
leadership.
i nd u strial
world,
business
" k n o w l ed g e, " and behavior,
and
and fundamental
T hrough t h r e e c a s e studies,
d e s c r i b e s the co n te n t of that
po we r of
T hr o u g h hegemony,
e s t a b l i s h e d for t h e m s e l v e s a cru c ia l
cu ltural
and
th e s i g n if i ca n ce of
e l i t e id e ol o gy b e a r s on th e i ss u e of the social
business
context
th i s st u d y
i d e o l o g y as it d efined the
and th e r e s p e c t i v e pl a ce of owner and
worker.
It is necessary,
after
first,
t o d e s c r i b e U.S.
so c ie t y
1377 with re sp e ct to e l i t e s and their o pp o r t u n i t i e s
for social
control,
and t h e w o r k i n g cl a s s and its social
and
30
ideological
v u l ne r ab i li t y.
31
ENDNOTES:
CHA P TE R
I
1
D o u g l a s Dowd, Ihe lyi s te d Dr e am i C a p i t a l i s t D e ve l o p m e n t
in the U ni t ed St a t e s Si n ce 1776
(Cambridge:
W in t h r o p Pub l is h er s , 1974), p. 147.
2
W i l l i a m Dick, La b or and Sgci^al.i.sm i_n America^. T he G g m p e r s
Era
(Port W a s h i ng t on , N ew York: National U n i v e r s i t y
P u b l ic a ti o ns , 1972), p. 3. For a di s c u s s i o n of th e
i de o l o g y and po l it i ca l rol e of U.S. t r a d e union
leadership, s e e R o na l d Radosh, "The C o r p o r a t e
I d e ology of A m e r i c a n Labor L e a d e r s f r o m G om p er s to
H i l lm a n" in J a m e s W e i n s t ei n and David Eakins, e d s . ,
For a New America: Es s a y s in H i st o r y and Po li t ic s
3
Igi.d
4
Michael P a r e n t ! , P o we r and th e p Q W s C i S a S
(New York: St.
M a r t i n 's Press, 1978), p. 154. Th e spirit of the
e n t r e p r e n e u r ex i sts at the heart of the U.S.
e c o n o m i c system; se e Robert Sobel
The
Entrepreneurs:, E x p l o r a t i o n s W i th i n t h e American
Bu siness Tradition
(New York: W e y br i gh t and
Talley, 1974).
5
J a m e s We i ns t ei n , T h e D e c l i n e of S o c i a l i s m in America,
1912-1925
(New York: V i nt a g e Books, 1967), p. viii.
6
D a vi d M o n t g o m e r y Workers' Control in Am e r i c a
C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1979), p. 13.
7
Ibid
3
Dick, La b gr and S g c i a l I s m , p. 25; see also Robert Hoxie,
T ra d e U n i o n i s m in the United S t a t e s
(New York; D.
A p p l e t o n and Co.. 1917).
9
Ibid
.,
p.
., p.
., p.
10
Weinstein,
11
Dick,
L a bo r
4.
(Cambridge:
22.
53.
D e c l i n e of S o c i a l i s m
and S o c i a l i s m
, p.
, p.
54.
1.
12
Weinstein,
13
Ibid
14
Dick,
15
Ibid
.
16
Ibid
., p.
17
Ibid
.
18
Ibid
. , p.
19
J e re m y Breeder, StrikeJ_
P u b li c at i on s , 1972),
20
Montgomery,
21
Dowd,
22
John R. Commons. H ’-ltory of Labor in the Cn^tsd Stat:
(Mew Lor k ( Me.cMi 11 an , 1923), vol.. 3,, o. vi .
23
Karl
24
L o u i s A l t h u s s e r For Marx
1965), p. 61.
25
Peter Berge r and T h o m a s Luckmann, The Social
C o n s t r u c t i o n of Realitv: A T r ea t is e in the
Sgci,gl_ggy of k n g w l e d g e
(New York: D o u b l e d a y
and Company, 1966).
26
Ibid
. , p.
128
27
Ibid
.
, p.
10.
28
Ibi_d . , p.
55.
29
Ibid
.
30
ibid
. , p . 58.
31
Ibid
. , p.
32
Ibid
. , p - 66.
Ibid
.,
pp.
D e c l i n e of Sgci al i^sm , p. viii.
27-28.
L abor and Sgci^al,i.Bm , p.
79.
80.
(Greenwich, Conn.,:
p. 18.
W g r k e r s l Control
Twi^sted D r e a m
, p.
rlar;; , The German
p . 61.
D.
60.
59.
67.
Fawc e tt
, p. 123.
145.
Ideoloov
(Mew York, 194/’),
(New York:
New Left Books,
34
Ber g er and L u c k m a n n ,
P- 62,
35
Ibid
. , PP
36
Ibid
. T P ■ 103.
37
Ibid
. , P-
116.
38
Ibid
. , p.
123.
39
%bid
.
40
Ibid
. , P-
103.
41
Ibid
. - P-
70.
42
Ibid
. . p.
119.
43
Ibid
. , p.
107.
44
Ibid
.. □,
109.
,
O
96-97.
p
46
Ibid
. , p.
130.
47
Ibid
. , p.
163.
43
Ibid
. , p-
164.
49
Ibid
. , p . 125.
50
Mi l t o n Cantor,
York: Hill
51
St u ar t Hall, "Culture, t h e Media, and the Ideological
Effect", in J a m e s Curran et. al., eds., Mass
C o m m u n i c a t i o n and S o ci e ty
(Beverly Hills: Sa g e
Pu bl i ca t io n s, 1979), p. 333. R aymond Williams,
"Base and S u p e r s t r u c t u r e in Marxi st Cultural
Theory"
N e w Left R e vi e w , No. 82 (1973), p. 9.
52
A n t o n i o G r a m s c i , S e l e c t i o n s From the Pri s on N o t e b o o k s
(New York: International Publishers, 1971), d d .
121-125.
53
Alvin Gouldner, Th e Di a le c ti c of id eo l og y and
l e c h n o l g g y i The 0rigins3_ Grammar and Fu t u r e of
IdgQlogy
(New York; Seabury Press, 1976), p. 33.
54
Ibid
A m e r i c a n W orking Class C u l t u r e
and Wang, 1979), p. 13.
(New
34
55
Ibid
56
Gramsci,
57
Hall,
p.
34.
Prison N ot eb o ok s
"Culture, the
, p.
Media",
p.
181.
332.
58
R a ymond Williams, M a r x i s m and L i te r a t u r e
(Oxford:
Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1977), p, 109.
59
Williams,
"Base and S u p e r s t r u c t u r e " , p. 8
60
Williams,
M ar x i s m and L i t e r a t u r e , p.
61
Gramsci,
62
Gouldner,
P ri s o n
N o t e b o o k s , pp.
Dialectic
63
Hall,
"Culture, t h e
64
Williams.
65
Hall.
66
W i i 1 i a m s , "Bass and
"Base and
"Culture, the
of
12,
110.
181-182.
Ideology , p. 29.
Media",
p.
337.
S u p e r s t r u c t u r e " , o . 9.
Media",
o . 333.,
S u p e r s t r u c t u r s ", o . 11.
6 7 Two exa m p l e s of the us e of hegemo nic the ory in
hi storical w r i t i n g are Edward Said, O r i e n t a l i s m
(New York: V i n t a g e Books, 1978), and E u g e n e
G en o v e s e and E l i z a b e t h Fox-Genovese, The F r u i t s
of M e r c h a n t C apital
(New York: Oxf o rd U n i v e r s i t y
Press, 1983), e s p e c i a l l y part three, "I d eo l o g y . "
A d i s c u s s i o n of t h e impor ta n ce of t he s t u d y of
the polit i ca l and social function of i d e o l o g y
o c c u r s in John H i g h a m and Paul Conkin, eds..
New D i r e c t i o n s In A me r i c a n Intellectual H i s t o r y
(Baltimore: J o h n s H o p k i n s U ni v e r s i t y Press,
1979), e s p e c i a l l v se ct i on three, " Hi story of
Culture."
C H AP T ER
II
THE SETTING
F rom t h e p e r i o d o-f e arly c o l o n i z a t i o n
War,
m ost U.S.
i deological
i n h a b i t a n t s carried t h e cultural
of the e i g h t e e n t h
in Europe.
had u n d e r g o n e the commercial
the central
These r e v o l u t i o n s
pol it i ca l ,
E u r o p e ’s feudal
m erchants,
e cono m ic
revolution
marki n g the
the Pr o t e s t a n t r e v o l u t i o n
ecclesiastical
intellectual,
T h e a n c e s t o r s of most
and e arly n i n e t ee n th c e n t u r y p o p u l a t i o n of
a p p e a r a n c e of c a p it a li s m,
Western
and
b a g g a g e of West er n E u rope w hich re-flected the
r e s ul t s of c l a s s s t r u g g l e
the U.S.
to t h e Civil
and oolitical
against
a u t h o r i t y of the
initiated the tr a n s f e r of the
economic
and
social
power of
a r i st o cr a cy to a m i d d l e c l a s s of
f i n a n c i e r s and a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s w h o prom o te d
individualism
and p r i v at e property.
In Europe,
this
emergent m i d d l e c l a s s clashed with t h e a r i s t o c r a c y 's
cultural
and
i nt e l l e c t u a l
b lata n t cultural
power.
and political
This t e m p e r e d t h e most
e x p r e s s i o n s of the n ew money
power.
F e w such r e s t r a i n t s existed
in the U.S.
feudal
background
r e l i g i o u s orientation,
U.S.
and a P r otestant
W it h no
s o c i e t y o f f e r e d a clean seed bed for t h e g r ow t h of
b o u r g e o i s society.
The A m e r i c a n
R(5volutian did not c o n s t i t u t e a genuine
36
re volution
in t h e s e ns e of o t h e r s of
overturned
o ne c l a s s of governing e l i t e s by another,
r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the people.
its ag e which
Rather,
more
the American
R e v o l u t i o n r e p r e s e n t e d the d efeat of b o u r g e o i s e l i te s of one
c o u n t r y by t h o s e of another.
landed e l i t e s g o v e r n e d U.S.
concerning
status,
F rom e a r l y on,
p r op e rt y and s o c i e t y - l egacies from
U.S.
exerei sed no such ce n tr a l i s e d or o rg a n i z e d
almost
1875,
and
life and their b ou r g e o i s v a l u e s
E u r o p e - p e r v a d e d t he life of the nation.
t h o se af ter
commercial
but such social
e lites
social
power as
p o w e r as did exist r e s te d
e n t i r e l v with the bourgeoisie.
sh .1pbui 1 dar s , 1 aw vers,
fin ancisrs and
e s t a t e s made and a d mi n i s t e r e d the
prestige,
laws,
held t h e economic power and
much of the r e m a i n d e r
ow ners of landed
enjoyed social
served as c r e d i t o r s to
of t h e p o p u la t io n ,
landowners,
t radesmen,
and slaves.
T h e bulk of the p o p u l a t i o n c o nsisted of small
l a n d o w n e r s w ho
artisans,
the small
laborers,
lived a near marginal
existence.
F r o m t he b e g i n n i n g s of nati o na l
b o u r g e o i s e l i t e s d e f in e d g ov e r n m e n t
tenant farm er s
life in 1783,
as the p r otector of
p r o p e r t y and g u a r a n t o r of l i b er t y t h r o u g h r e p u b li c an
l e ad e rs h ip
by u p s t a n d i n g men of property.
C o n s ti t ut i on ,
government
and
Through the
such men affirmed p r i v a t e enterprise,
individual
liberty.
e c o n o m i c p o w er of the nation.
limited
R e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the
Constitutional
authors f o rmed
a m i n o r i t y of educated,
document
w e a lt h y o wn e rs w h o c r e a t e d a
r e f l e c t i v e of their
r a ti f ie d t h r o u g h
p ol i t i c k i n g
of
the poverty,
The C o n s t i t u t i o n was
the doub l e effect of the skilfull
its p r o p o n e n t s on one hand
and,
on the other,
lack of org a ni z at i on and p o l i ti c al
its opponents.
the white,
interests.
A s t he state s fixed voting
male,
n a iv e te of
qualifications,
pr o p e r t i e s flavor of the g o v e r n m e n t
r ef l e c t e d the f o u n d i n g f a t h e r s ’ fear of both
d e m o c r a c y and
the m a s s e s of t h e p o t e n t i a l l y disrespectful.
B o u r g e o i s power c ontinued
into the a n t e b e l l u m period
w itho u t s u f f e r ! n o s u b s t a n t i v e threats,
W h il e r e o r s s e n t i n g
a l t h o u o h a transfer
’the p e o p l e . ’ J e f f e r s o n i a n s r eferred to
t h ose whose v i r t u e s derived
J e f f er s on who soug ht
from o w n e rs h ip of
only t he i n s t i t u t i o n of
p r i v a t e land o w n e r s h i p gua r an t ee d r e p u b l i c a n
virtue.
a s c e n d a n c y sign a ll e d the e x c h a n g e of power from
one set of p r o p e r t i e d
Jacksonian
i nterests for that of
de m o c r a c y
likewise did
the a s s u m p t i o n s or power of U.S.
Jacksoni a n s ’ goal
and industrial
into favo r ed
The same
to avoid a r i s to c ra t ic p o we r also feared
that of the u n p r op e rt i e d . To him,
Jeffersonian
land.
another.
l i tt l e to alter
c ap i t a l i s t
was to c h al l en g e t he po wer
interests.
The
of financial
m o n o p o l i s t s bv increased po p u l a r movement
p olitical
and c l a s s o r i e n t a t i o n
and economic po s itions.
of Jacksoni ans in p u bl i c
The poli ci e s
affairs,
38
however,
differed
Federalists.
li tt l e from the J e f f e r s o n i a n s or
Basic
n o t i o n s of b o u r g e o i s vi rt u e s u r v i v e d
i ntact the J a cksoni a n 's radical
levelling.
political
Thus,
in t h e period
orientation
1733-1860,
bourgeois
aimed at the p r o t e c t i o n
and g u a r a n t e e of social
over t h e bank
rh e t o r i c of e co n o m i c
order.
of p r o p e r t y
B a tt l es within r u l i n g ci rc l es
and tariff belie the r e a l i t y of an u nd e r l y i n g
un it y of interests.
The S o u t h e r n
a grarian dominat ion
se c ession in
1861 en d ed t h e p er i o d
and allowed N or t he r n b u s i n e s s
of
intere s ts
to d o m i n a t e t h e g o v e r n m e n t . Except for the E m a n c i p a t i o n
Pi'-oc I amat i on
pr op e rt y
in
b u s in e s s m e n
and Radi cal
tiie peri o d of
passed
interests.
the Civil
a federal
l egis l at i on d e s i g n e d
War.
tariff,
for
Rather,
land
N o rr n er n
m on e t a r y and s ub s i d y
to protect and en h a n c e th ei r e c on o m i c
Af t e r th e war,
a new al i gn m e n t of N o r t h e r n
S o u t h e r n men of p r o p e r t y converged
1377.
p ro p os a ls
Republican
and
in the C o m p r o m i s e of
Whig e l e m e n t s in the Repub l ic a n Pa r t y tr ad e d
co mmercial
o p p o r t u n i t i e s and federal
troop w it h d r a w a l
to
So ut h e r n Whig e l e m e n t s for a p re s i d e n c y which w a s t o protect
and extend w a r t i m e legi sl a ti o n f a v o r a b l e to business.
At t h i s point
M o o r e observes,
"what
in U.S.
history,
historian
Northern c a p i t a l i s m n e e d e d f r o m any
g ov e r n m e n t w a s t h e p r o t e c t i o n and l eg i t i m a t i o n
property,"
With
B ar r i n g t o n
Radical
R e publican
of p r i v a t e
i nf l u e n c e dyin g
and Whig
39
elements ascendant
d o m i n a t e U.S.
government
in both parties,
government.
In time,
b u s i n e s s m e n came to
M o o r e continues,
the
b e c a m e a "series of r a m p a r t s around property,
m a i n l y big prop e rt y ,
pronouncement,
and an a g e n c y t o e x e c u t e the biblical
'To h im that hath shall
be g i v e n . ’ "1
T h r o u g h o u t t h e remainder of t h e n i n e te e nt h century,
the f o r t u n e s
protected
of
industrial
c a p i t a l i s m gr e w exponentially,
a n d e n c o u r a g e d bv a g o v e r n m e n t prov i di n g sound
monetaj-y p o l i c y f a vo r in g creditors,
svstem,
promoting
internal
a central
transportaition, creation of large
h o l d i n g s f r o m r e s o u r c e s on and of federal
labor,,
3;. 190Ü,
industrial
the U.S.
a,nd cultural
p ow e r of busi nessmian
t h e g ro w th
its o p p o r t u n i t y for social
of both the gene r al
environments
social
into w o r k e r
control.
and indu st r ia l
a bout
consciousness.
re m a i n e d p r e - f a c t o r y
1850.
settings
i n cr e as e s in the p o s s i b i l i t y of owner
W h i l e t h e be g i n n i n g s of f a c t o r y
t h e U.S.
A comparison
milie u and f a c t o r y work
in p r e -i n du s tr i al
p o i n t s up p r o f o u n d
until
of economic
n e c e s s a r i l y magn if i ed that of t h e ownin g class,
enlarging
1820s,
the highest
sur p as s ed G r e a t Sri tain i n
d e r i v e d f r o m p r o p e r t y ownership,
input
land,
p r o d uc t io n .
S i n c e the social
power
banking
life appeared by the
and pre-industrial
The ante b el l um a g r a r i a n
e conomic base was
40
o v e rl a id by a small
industrial,
merchants,
but ra p i d l y g r o w i n g
co m m e r c i a l
b a n k e r s and
loosely d e f e r en t ia l
status,
and f i n a nc i al
virtue,
un s k i l l e d
social
tr ad itional
patterns
s t an d in g to t h e ir
Communi tv
1850,
social
factors.
power did not
The gap between rich
among d e s c e n d a n t s of E u r op e an s that at
in U.S.
history.
Within
a s eemingly
subt l e g r a d a t i o n s dete r mi n ed social
d i s t i n c t i o n s that,
an o u t s i d e r
as R o b e r t W i e be notes,
- the p r e c i s e
the amou nt
of h i r ed help,
h eld g r e at
importance
s o c e t v . "2
can' i ed r'rotestan t
d e g r ee of a d h e r a n c e to such norms.
atmo s ph e re ,
h ave e l u d ed
The white,
one a n o t h e r ’s r e l a t i v e wealth and
and poor w a s n a r r o w e r
standing,
free Negr o es
and a p p e a r a n c e at church.
depe nd e n t i r e l y on material
d em o c r a t i c
N a t i v e Americans,
o i- the p o p u l a t i o n
In t h e d e c a d e s b e fore
any other t i m e
skilled artisans,
s u b s i s t e n c e farmers,
of f a m i l y and church.
thrift,
members a ttributed
the
life for the b o u r g e o i s i e adhered to
i'-ino1 o--3ax on e l e m e n t
s o briety,
B e n e a t h t hese fell
s ho p k e e p e r s ,
servants,
Social
work,
small
and b e n e at h them,
and slaves.
Rich
h i e r a r c h y de t e r m i n e d by honor,
s e r v i c e and wealth.
laborers,
activity.
l an d o w n e r s e x i s t e d at the top of a
m id d le i n c om e farmers,
p r o f e ss i on a ls ,
s t ra t um of
the
"would
location of a house,
q u a l i t y of a b ug g y or dress -
in an o t h e r w i s e u nd i f f e r e n t i a t e d
41
In this r e l a t i v e l y traditional,
before
1350,
general
scale,
fundamental
ideological
social
s t a b l e setting
consensus precluded
criticism.
large
Q u e s t i o n s that did
a r i se u s u al l y r e m a i n e d w i t hi n general
ide o lo g ic a l
b o un d s and
were e a s i ly a n s w er e d or defused by acce pt e d
social
authorities.
industrialism,
F re e f r o m the later s t r a i n s of
a n t e b e l l u m soci e ty w i t n e s s e d
few t h r e a t s to its social
e c o no m ic a r r a n g e m e n t s or ideological
or
d e f i n i t i o n s of reality.
The e x i s t e n c e of s o c i o e c o n o m i c c l a s s e s did not p r e c l u d e near
i de o logical
Americans.
class.
uni fo r mi t y,
if one e x c ep t s N e g r o e s and N a ti v e
J a c k so n ia n historians,
In p l a c e of r i g i d classes,
sees only a " r el a t i v e l y
w e i gh t ed
for example,
hi s t o r i a n
general 1v
I'larvin Meye r s
loose class s t r u c t u r e , " h e av i ly
in t h e m i d d l e orders:
shop keep er s and laborers.
farmers,
Social
mechanics,
mobility,
a v a i l a b i l i t y of
land and e c on o mi c e x p a n s i o n gave a n t e b e l l u m s o c i e t y a
multiplicity
and flexibility' of c a r e e r s and
in t e r e s t s which m a de social
d if f e r e n c e s
a v a r i e t y of
"shaded and
u nstab l e . "3
In d i s cu s si n g p r e f a c t o r y a n t e b e l l u m w o rk i ng class
structure,
Milton C a n t o r n otes that
ideo lo g y spaw ne d
"the p e r c e p t i o n s and
in a w o r k i n g - c l a s s c o m m u n i t y
a u t o m a t i c a l l y t h ose of class,
[were]
not
and c l as s c o n s c i o u s n e s s was
not t h e a u t o m at i c and unvoluntary' p r o du c t of t h o se having a
42
strong
se nse of vocational
the total
c o h e s i o n . "4
W h ile not posit i ng
a b s e n c e of class a n ta gonism,
Cantor holds t hat
p a t e r n a l i s m d i f f u s e d class m i l i t a n c y and produced d e f e r e n c e
to the social
power of owners.
T o Cantor,
the
r e l a t i o n s of both d e p e n d e n c e and
r e c i p r o c i t y evolving out of p a t e r n a l i s m produced
complex but usually i n a r t i c u l a t e d views, and a
g e n e r a l l y muted class c o n s c i o u s n e s s mingled with
a belief in the i m p o r t a n c e of l o y al t y to the
l e g i t i m a c y of managerial authori t y . 5
S i m i la r ly ,
T o c q ue v il i e c o m m e n t e d
on the lack of
c l as s s o l i d a r i t y on the w ealthier end of the social
spectrum.
feelinq
mutual
The r i ch w e r e not
" c o m p l e t e l y united amongst
oi- p u r p o s e in c o m m o n , no mutual
hopes;
t h er e are individuals,
definite class."o
He thought that
traditions,
therefore,
or
but no
i n d i v i d u a l s of the
b u s i n e s s c o m m u n i t y of the 13405 held n e i t h e r political
ideological
p o w e r , rather,
the
"common opinion"
nor
c o n tr o ll e d
t h e m .7
T his c o n d i t i o n of r e l a t i v e s oc i oe c o n o m i c
ho mo g eneity,
cultural
t o g e t h e r with a great d e g r e e of d e m o gr a ph i c and
un i formity,
pointed to what M ar v in Meyers c a l le d a
" u ni f or m it y of
e conomic
att i tu d es t h r o u g h o u t the
p o p u l a t i o n ."S
This uniformity.
Cant or
suggests,
poin t ed
upward t o w ar d d e p e n d e n c e and l o y a l t y to the authority of
paternal
owners.
Important excepti ons existed,
general ,, the po oui at i on adhered
to an
but in
ideology of p r a i se for
43
the small
independent
landowner
a n t e b e l l u m p o p u l a t i o n w a s self
e co n o m i c
betterment
entrepreneural
in their
or worker.
S in c e most of the
e m p l o y e d and co ul d fo r e s e e
lifetime,
budding
v a l u e s se r ve d t o r e i n f o r c e ex i s t i n g
n or m s of
b o u r g e o i s activity.
A n t e b e l l u m social
tensions reflected
c l a s s than a r a p i d l y c h a n g i n g
implications
inherent
s o c i e t y r ea l iz i ng th e
in the u n r e s t r i c t e d p u r s u i t of
As more people entered
the moral
less t h o s e of
gain.
the q u i c k l y e x pa nding marketplace,
a n x i e t y p r o d u c e d by c o m p a r i n g its v a l u e s to t ho s e
of the P u r i t a n s
fostered
a nostalgic
seêininglv con cr ac'l ct or v b e h a v i o r
t he acie of J a c k s o n i a n
aff i rmat i on of the
c ons tit ute d
the p a r a d o x
of
polit ic s :
t h e f act that t h e m o ve m e n t which he l pe d
t o cle ar t h e pat h for l a i s s e z - f a i r e c a p i t a l i s m
and its c u l t u r e in America, and the public whi c h
in its d a i l y life e a g e r l y en t er e d on that path,
held n e v e r t h e l e s s in t h e i r political c o n s c i e n c e
an ideal of a chaste, r e p u b l i c a n order,
r e s i s t i n g the s e d u c t i o n s of r isk and novelty,
greed and ex t ra v a g a n c e , rapid motion and c omplex
deal inqs.. 9
Such
va lu e s cau s ed
depend
nostalgic
a d h e r a n c e to i n c r e a s i n g l y o b s o l e t e
Ameri c an s '
less on e c o n o m i c
e v a l u a t i o n s of one an o th e r to
f a c t o r s than on a moral
which r e s p e c t e d
h o ne s t
" s i mp l ic i ty and
s tability,
e c o n o m y and useful
A se c o n d
work,
toil,
and praised,
self
orientation
in Meyers'
r e l i a n c e and
independence,
h o n e s t y and plain d e al i ng . "
a n t e b e l l u m p ol i t i c a l
notion,
words,
that
10
of the
44
Repub.I i c an s after
1850,
for y e om a n
E x p r e s s i v e of a long s t a n d i n g
U.S.
labor.
culture,
Republican
No r t h e r n society,
w hi c h to h i s t o r i a n Eric Foner,
expa n di n g,
opportunities which
Republican
value,
labo r in g m a n . "11
i d e o l o g y e xp r e s s e d t h e d i g n i t y of free
moral
and
and t he basis for the N o r t h ’s prosperity.
represented
the small
b u s i ne s sm a n,
ordinary laborers.12
of
of the d i g n i t y and
it o f f er e d t h e a v e r a g e
observed,
goal
repr e se n te d
c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y w h o s e a c h ie v em e nt s
its i m p o r t a n c e as the sour c e of all
temporal
to
R e p u b l i c a n s t o u t e d t h e s u p e r i o r i t y of
and d e s t i n y w e r e . . . t h e resu lt
labor,
facet of
p r a i s e of f r e e labor b e c a m e central
ideology-
a "dynamic,
c e n t e r e d aroun d a r h e t o r i c of prai se
a classless definition
e n c om p as s in g
fa r m e r s and c r a f t s m e n
W o r k e r s were often
as well
owners,
as
and the
t ho s e w i t h o u t p r o p e r t y was to a c c u m u l a t e enough
capital
to obtai n b u s i n e s s e s for t h em selves,
purpose
of a c h i e v i n g
The R e p u b l i c a n
free
basis
of i n de p e n d e n t small
p r o d u c e social
"the i n t e r e s t s of capital
b e c au s e e q u a l i t y of o p p o r t u n i t y
g e ne r at e d
a social
independence.
ideal
owners,
of a
vying on a
in an e c o no m ic s y st e m w h e r e social
d i s t i n c t i o n s did not
surmised,
but for e c o n o m i c
labo re r r e f l e ct e d a social
m id d le c l a s s s o c i e t y
n e a r l y equal
wealth,
not for the
antagonisms.
Foner
and la bor w e r e identical
in Am e r i c a n
m o b i l i t v whih assu re d
s o c ie t y
that
t o d a v ’s
45
l aborer could be t o m o rr o w' s capi tali s t ."13
R e l a t i v e e c onomic ha r mo n y and
social
co ns e ns u s in
t h i s p eriod o b s c u r e d or diffused the d i s p a r i t y of those
interests.
E v i d e n c e of that d i s p a r it y c o m e s from early
a t t e m p t s at o r g a n i z i n g tra d e u nions in th e Jacksonian
period.
Yet t h e s e un io n s d e clined af t er the Panic of
not to r e a p p e a r
after
the Civil
p er v ad e d f a c t o r i e s and shops,
and u n s k il l ed
c o tt a g e
part of society.
e mployed
Most
wh e re artisans,
o wn e rs or self
a wor!-; environment free
of class antagonisms
a h o me or small
handcrafters
in d us t ri a li s ts c o n s t i t u t e d a growing
often created
shops w e r e small,
around
A pp a r e n t harmony
E m p l o y e r s such as mill
craftsmen
r e l a t i v e lack
War.
1837,
in
an tebellum
industry.
e m ployed few w o r k e r s and centered
workshop.
Ca n to r character i zed
w or k e r s as l iving within a r e l a t i v e l y h o m o g e n e o u s peer group
s oc i e t v with high residential
f a c e to fa c e social
Fr eq u en t c o n t a c t
stability,
and economic
and having daily,
i n te r a c t i o n with o w n e r s . 14
and p a te r n a l i s m s e rv e d
to e nsure a l l e gi a nc e
of w o r k e r s to o w n e r s and enh a nc e the m u t u a l i t y of their
efforts.
O w n e r s and wor k er s knew one an o th e r by name,
often
ate or lived t og e t h e r and re c og n iz e d on e a n o t h er ' s skill.
D e f e r e n c e e x i s t e d between owners and workers,
but
it was not
the a c q u i e s c e n c e to naked e conomic p o w e r c h a r ac t er i st i c of
later
industrial
Control
society.
of
labor seldom a r o s e as an issue in the
46
workplace,
due in part to employer p a t e r n a l s m
which
c o m b i n e d t he r o l e s of owner and a u t h o r i t a r i a n father.
G i v en
the a p p a re n t c o i n c i d e n c e of i n t e re s ts on the job and the
lack of w i d e social
g ap s beween e m p l o y e r s and workers,
p at ernalism sufficed
and compliance.
owners,
their
to g ua r a n t e e the l a t t e r ’s dep en d en c y
S i n c e most w or k er s lived with or near
b e h a v i o r c a m e under close watch.
d i s c i p l i n e was casual
the time clock.
Work
o p e ra t io n
social
social
m e th o d of
Control
and
d eference
and did not c a u se a direct clash.
o w n e r s did not feel
st a n d a r d s of t h o u g h t
or behavior
the need to impose
on an a l re a dy docile and
po p ulation.
When all
p a r t i c i p a n t s b e l i e v e in the s y s t em and
e n s ur e its survival
roles,
activity.
or
Labor unrest that did a ri s e was la r g e l y
a c o n t e n t i o n over details,
de fe rential
The shoemaker
as f a c et s of a larger social
r e q u i r e d by t he age.
1350,
eating and
as eco no m ic needs.
many aspe cts of work.
and o n - t h e - j o b
before
as well
icirgely set his own work time,
d i s c i p l i n e ex i s t e d
Thus,
cost eff ic i en c y or
included p e ri o ds of rest,
conversation, reflecting
producers controlled
Job
s i n ce the p r o d u c t i v i t y was not
e n t i r e l y g e ar e d to prof i t maximisation,
co t t a g e w e av e r
such
by f u l fi l li n g their econ om i c
and social
t h i s g u a r a n t e e s t h e smooth o p e ra t io n of social
control.
o w n e r sh i p
T o c q u e v i l l e obser v ed that w i d es p re a d property
and U.S.
e c o n o m i c v i a b il i ty ensu re d social
order:
47
Not o n l y a r e men o-f d e m o c r a c i e s not
d e s i r o u s of r e v o lu t io n s, but t h e y ar e a f r a i d of
them. All r e v o l u t i o n s more or less t h r e a t e n the
t e nu r e of p r op e rt y : but most of t h o s e w h o live
in d e m o c r a t i c c o u n t r i e s are p o s s e s s e d of
p r o p e r t y . . . C a n d 3 l ive in the c o n d i t i o n w h e r e men
set t he g r e a t e s t s t o r e upon their p r o p e r t y . 15
A ft e r t h e Civil
this social
War,
industrialization
s t a b i l i t y by c reating
at o nc e a l a r g e c l a ss of
u n p r o p e r t i e d w o r k e r s and a class of o w n e r s w i t h
in property.
U.S.
In t h e social
manuf acturi ng towns,
and econ om i c
"monstrous
e;:ceptions" to t h e e q u a i t y he obse r ve d in U.S.
like oast
opulent,
society.
a r :stccrati
ar i st o c r a c i s s , contai ned
and
great stak e s
r e l a t i o n s of small
To c q u e v i l l e s a w
mall
destroyed
"some men
wh o are very
a ,nulti t u de who are w r e t c h e d l y p o o r . "16 This
rnanufacturing a r i s t o c r a c y
the men who s e r v e it,
by t h e c h a r i t y of
"first
and then a b an d on s t h e m to be s upported
the p u b l i c . "17
close w a tch by t h e
i m p o v e r i s h e s and deba s es
Such an a r i s t o c r a c y bore
" f r i e n d s of d e m o c r a c y , " for
"if ever a
per m an e nt
i n e q u a l i t y of c o n d i t i o n s and a r i s t o c r a c y
pe n e t r a t e
into t h e world..,
again
this is the g a t e by w hich they
wi 11 e n t e r ."13
By
society.
gene ra t ed
1900,
t h e U.S.
Sophisticated
had d e v e l o p e d a m a t u r e industial
m e t h o d s of ec o n o m i c
r ap i d u r b a n i z a t i o n .
D em o graphic,
organization
social
and
eco no m ic t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s forced by i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n ,
t e c h n o lo g ic a l
revolutions
of g reat n u m b e r s of
in t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , and the influx
i mmi g r ant I a b o r er s c r s a t e d
a radi c a 11 y
48
d i f fe r en t world.
The new method of o r g a n i z i n g production,
the large factory,
of life.
Rapid
b e c a m e the most
i m po r t a n t
c h a n g e and growth d i s r u p t e d
a n t e b e l l u m social
ec o no m ic fact
the st ab l e
s t r u c t u r e by c r e a t i n g a ne w c l a s s of
w ea l t h y m a n u f a c t u r e r s and b u s i n e s s m e n and a larger class of
more or
less p e r m a n e n t wag e earners.
individual
economic
The R ep u b l i c a n hope of
i n d e p e n d e n c e no longer
ap plied to the
new society.
The social
changes accompanying
saw the c o r r e s p o n d i n g
mass politics.
ii'vtc bote
ris e of m a s s culture,
The c u l t u r a l l y cen tr a li z ed ,
tne oenerai
c o n s c i o u s n e s s . 19 Such
e c o no m ic
intellsctual
w o r k e r s from t r a d i t i o n a l
iniliau and wor!;:ar
cla s s relations,
for m s of social
As th e c e n t r a l i z e d
co ntrol
e c on o m i c
lives of ail 1 but an i s olated few,
d o m i n a t e al m o s t
e ve r y aspect
s tructural
and cr e at i ng
of a w o r k e r ' s
i n d u s t r i a l i s m en t ai l ed
T ho m ps o n d e s c r i b e d
forced the m
in the factory and
in dustrial
changes.
s e p ar a ti n g
sy s t e m to uched the
The f a c t o r y s y s t e m fo r c e d t he
u nd e r g o i m me n s e
and
control,
p r o b l e m s for m a n u f a c t u r e r s that
to search for m e a n s of social
c o m p l e x i t y of
urban setting
a nd d e e p e n i n g c l a s s a n t a g on i sm s ,
o r g a n i za t io n al
society.
ma s s soc i et y and
c h an g e s t r a n s f o r m e d social
life and r e s t r u c t u r e d
i ll u mi n a t i n g
industrialization
r e al i t y c a m e to
life.
labor pr o c e s s to
For workers,
the very
w hat h i s t o r i a n E.
as a "severe r e s t r u c t u r i n g of work
P.
49
habits,
new disc ip l in e s,
new i n c e n t i v e s and a new human
n a t u r e . "20 As w o r k e r s move d from h o u s e h o l d o r i e n t e d c enters
of p r o d u c t i o n
into large factories,
the y w e r e faced with
faster pace d and m o r e r o u ti n iz e d d e m a n d s of rational
production,
whi c h
re n d e r e d o bs o l e t e both the i rr e gu l ar labor
r hy t h m s and t h e direct,
relati onshi ps.
of social
paternal
c h a r a c t e r of ow n er - w o r k e r
T h e w o r k p l a c e lost its f u nc t i o n as a center
a c t i v i t y and b ec a m e geared e x c l u s i v e l y to profit.
As the s t r u c t u r e of t h e w o r k p l a c e changed,
f ra m e w o r k
control
of authority.
so did
Work was g r a d u a l l y re m o v e d from the
of w o r k e r s as own e rs of p r o d u c t i o n
penalties.
W o r k e r s b e c a m e more d e p e n d e n t
assumed owner
controlled
its
p at t er n s of work
ass u me d direction
upon own e rs as tney
d i s c i p i i n e . 21 At
the sam e time,
d i s t a n c e inceased as owners'
mo r e financial
and
commercial
than
i nt e r e s t s became
industrial
and
managerial.
Th e e m e r g e n c e of class c o n s c i o u s n e s s am o n g wo rk e rs
was the most
Braverman,
i m po r t a n t result of th e s e changes.
"a c l a s s ca n no t exist
de gr e e m a n i f e s t i n g
common oroblems,
in s o c i e t y wi t h o u t
a c o n s c i o u s n e s s of
itself
in some
as a group with
i n t e r e s t s and p r o s p e c t s - a lt h o u g h this
m a n i f e s t â t ion may for long per i od s be weak,
subject to m a n i p u l a t i o n
I nd u s t r i a l i z a t i o n
To Harry
confused,
and
by other c l a s s e s . "22
p r o v i d e d the e x p e r i e n c e that c r y st a ll i ze d
50
c las s c o n s c i o u s n e s s amon g U.S.
workers.
G r o w i n g c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s was p ar t l y d u e to the
establishment
of urb a n
wo r k i n g class n e i g h b o r h o o d s .
d i s t a n c e d from p a ternal
cultural
employers,
workers formed
i n s t i t u t i o n s wh i c h o ff e re d s o l i d a r i t y a n d
e s p e c i a l l y when c e n t e r e d a r o u n d ethnic bonds.
observes,
however,
"i n d u s t r i a l i z a t I o n
f requently overwhelmed
which c o u l d
d i s l o c a t i o n s of i nd u st r ia l
the h e g e m o n i c
power
of
industrializing
of general
in U.S.
economy.
social
history.
identity,
A s C an t o r
and
institutions,"
i n sulation
a g a i n s t the
life or the im m e n s e i n c r e a s e in
industrial
favor of t ho s e w n o s e pow e r
the i r own
severely tested
s uch t r a d i t i o n s and
not off e r s u f f i c i e n t
S o ci a l l y
e l i t e s . 23
r e sulted e n ti r e l y f ro m the
The bu s inessman r o s e to a position
and c u ltural
p r es t ig e t h e r e t o f o r e unknown
D i f f e r e n c e s between new e n t r e p r e n e u r a l
v al u e s extol ling a c q u i s i t i v e n e s s and d i s p l a y and t h o s e of
a n t e b e l l u m el i t e s did not
e s c a p e Mark Twain,
who,
in
1371,
p r e s e n t e d t h i s dialogue:
Q.
What
is t h e chief
A.
To get rich.
Q.
In what wa v ?
A.
Dishonestly
Q . Who is God,
end of man?
if w e can,
h o ne s tl y if we m u s t .
t h e o n l y one and Tru e?
51
A. Mon e y
is God.
■father,
Gold and g r e e n b a c k s and s t o c k s son and the g ho s t of the same -
t h r ee p er s o n s in one;
th e se ar e th e t r u e
and o n ly God,
mi g h t y and supreme:
W i l l i a m Tweed
is his prophet....
and
Q. Who w e r e th e mod e ls t h e y o u n g w e r e taught to
em ul a t e in fo r me r d ay s ?
A. W a s h i n g t o n and Franklin.
Q. Wh o m do thev and should t h e y e m u l a t e n o w in
t hi s era of e n l i g h t e n m e n t ?
A. Tweed;
t?. What
Hall,
Connely,
Camochan.
works were ohia-fiv o rized
Fisk,
for
Gould,
the tra in i n g
of the young in fa r me r days?
A.
Poor R i c h a r d ' s Almanac,
t h e Pilgim-’s Progress,
and The D e c l a r a t i o n of Independence.
Q.
What are the best p r i z e d Sun da y -s c ho o l
this mo r e e n l i g h t e n e d
A.
St.
H a l l ’s Garbled
Robberies,
St.
St.
in
age?
Reports,
St.
Fi s h ' s I n g e ni o us
C a m o c h a n ' s G u i d e to Corruption,
Gould on the Wa te r in g
Ir; iunctions,
books
St.
of Stock,
T w e e d ' s H an d b o o k
St.
Barnard's
of Morals,
and
the C o u r t - H o u s e edi t io n of the Holy C r u s a d e of
the Fo r t y Thieves.
Q. Do we pr o gr e ss ?
A.
You bet your
life.
24
The general
rational
ap p l i c a t i o n
of Vic t or i an
n o t i o n s of
order and t h e e f f i c i e n c y d e ma n d s of m a s s p ro d u c t i o n
combined to g e n e r a t e n e w n ee d s for and more a b s o l u t e forms
of social
control.
B u s i n e s s m e n and m a n u f a c t u r e r s r e c og n iz e d
the need for p r e d i c t a b i 1 ity and control
raw m a terials and markets.
p ro p e r t y and their fear
of
labor,
B e ca u s e of their
of the masses,
capital,
i nv e s t m e n t
in
e m p l o y e r s s ought to
ensure the p r e d i c t a b l e w o rk i ng of so ci e ty and the o rd e r l y
b ehavior of the lower
orders.
Although b u s i n e s s m e n ' s power f u n c t i o n e d as one
element
in the o r oc e s s of modernization,
a labor
ideology and u se it as a m e a n s of labor control.
e me r ge n ce of t h e en t re p r e n e u r
type,
coupled
workers,
it w a s the single
as the most a dm i r e d
social
with new f o rm s of owner s o c i a l i z a t i o n
as sured th e cultural
The
of
pr im a cy of c a p i t a l i s t
id e o l o g y .
Any elite,
Goodwin,
upon c oming to power,
seeks to c o n s o l i d a t e
s u g g e s t s Laiwrence
its a u t h o r it y and c re a t e a
s i t uation that, p r e c l u d e s fu r th e r social
c h a n g e . 25
the bu s in e s s e li t e did not shrink fro m direct
Though
use of both
state and pr i va t e p o l i c e force,
it g e n e r a l l y so u gh t an
easier method to p re v e n t d irect
assault on its authority,
and found this method
Gooriwvn,
in ma s s soci ali zati o n . Thus,
bu s in e s s e l i t e s un d er s to o d
that cultural
to
control
offered
a m o re p e r m a n e n t
dome s ti c tr a nq uility.
and d e s i r a b l e m e an s of ensuring
T he y reso rt e d to cultural
"the creat i on of m as s m o d e s of thou gh t that
the need for m a jor ^.dditional
social
political
for
T h i s new ideology
a "new c u lt u re in itself,"
working p o p u l a t i o n wa s forced to
and
l i t er a ll y make
c ha n ge d if f i c u l t
the mass of t h e p o p u l a t i o n to i magi n e . "26
emer ge d c o n s t i t u t i n g
control
"define all
as the
c o nc e i v a b l e
a c t i v i t y w i t h i n the limits of e x i s t i n g custom."
A
soci et y which h a s a c h i e v e d this l i m it a ti o n on t he acti vi t y
of
its most v o l a t i l e e l e m e n t s can
' s t a b l e ’ ." and
in the future.
"ge n ui n el v be des cr i be d as
Eood wv n exolains.
should t h ev be successful, the r e s ul t in g
■'reforms" will not alter si gni f i cant 1 y the
Inh e ri t ed m odes of power and privilege. Protest
under such c o n d i t i o n s of cultural n a r r o w n e s s is,
therefore, not o n ly p e r m i s s i b l e in the eyes of
t ho s e w h o rule, but i s . ..positivel y d es i r a b l e
b e ca u se it f o r t i f i e s the p o p u la r u n d e r s t a n d i n g
that the s o c i e t y is fun c ti o ni n g
"democrat i c a l l y . "27
For t hi s reason,
de f e r e n c e to re c e i v e d
especially
in this,
the political
c u l t u r e cannot be overstated,
t h e p er i od when the industrial
p r ol e ta r ia t was so large,
its e x p l o i t a t i o n so a c u te and
E u r op e an r a d i c a l i s m so instructive.
s oc i al i z a t i o n of
In o t her words,
the mass
labor o c c ur r ed durin g a time when
captialisin e x i s te d
labor offered
c o n s e q u e n c e s of m ass
in a r otenti al 1 y threateni ng c o n t e x t . But
,-,o v i a b l e political
al terna'ti ves to the
54
d o m i n a n t culture.
D em o c r a c y s u f f e r s when
defer to p r e v a i l i n g
truths.
large g r o u p s of c i t i z e n s
It is only o p p o s i t i o n and
c r i t i c i s m whi c h s e r v e to m a k e d e m o c r a c y viable.
such
as Goodwyn,
"individual
self
c o n f i d e n c e c o n s t i t u t e t h e cultural
mas s d em o c r a t i c politics.
To o bs e rv e rs
self re s pe c t and c ol l e c t i v e
The i r
building
development
b l o c k s of
p e r m i t s people
to act in s e l f - g e n e r a t e d d e m o c r a t i c way s - as d is t i n c t from
passively participating
b e q ue a t h e d
in v a r i o u s h i e r a r c h i c a l
by the r e c e i v e d c u l t u r e . "28
consci ou s n e s s is t h w a r t e d bv a o e r v a s i v e
e li t e s uf
mod e s
W he n t h i s individual
ideologv.
the Gl i de d Age set t h e st a ge for t h e cr e at i on of a
m ass de f e r e n c e
the part of
that e l i m i n a t e d
labor.
t rue o p p os i ti o na l
T h i s st u d y d e s c r i b e s the
p ol i t i c s on
i de o lo g y of
b u s i n e s s e l i t e s and the m e t h o d s of its imposition.
ENDNO T ES :
C HA P T E R II
1
B ar r i n g t o n Moore, Social O ri g i n s of D i c t a t g r s h i g and
B g m g c r a c y i L or d and P e asant in the Ma k in g of the
Modern Wgr f d
(Boston: Beacon Press, 1966), p. IbO.
2
Robert Wiebe, T h e S e a r c h
York: Hill and Wang,
3
Marvin Meyers, f h e J a c k s o n i a n Persuasion.:_ P o l i t i c s and
Be li e f
(Stanford: St a nf o rd U ni v e r s i t y Press,
1957), pp. 8,9; E ri c Foner, Free Sgil^ F r e e Labors,
Fre e Menf The I de ology of the Re p ub l i c a n P a r t y
B ef o r e the Q i y i f War
(Oxford: Oxford Uni versi tv
Press
1970)„ p. 15.
Yor 1::: Hill
., pp.
and W a n g .
for Order 1377-1920
1967), p. 3.
1979).,
(New
o .5
a
Ibid
6
Alexis de T o c q ue v il l e, D e m o c r a c y in A merica
(New
York: W a s h i n g t o n S qu a r e Press, 1964), p. 219.
7
Ibid .
a
Meyers,
7,3.
The J a c k s o n i a n P er s u a s i o n
9
Ibid
., p. 12.
10
Ibid
., p. 24.
11
Foner,
12
Ibid
., p. 15.
13
Ibid
-, P- 20.
F ree S g i i
14
Cantor,
15
Tocqueville,
, p.
16
Ibid
., p. 219.
17
Ibid
., p. 220.
139.
11.
A m er i c a n W o r k i n g Class
Democracy
, p.
, p. 4.
fn A m er i c a , p.
270.
18
Tocqueville,
19
Cantor, A m e r i c a n W o r k i n g Class , p. 5; see als o
Me l vi n Dubo-fsky, Industri,ali_5fn and the Ameri ca n
Workerj, 1 8 6 5 = 1 9 2 0
(Arlington Heights, 111.:
Th e A m e r i c a n H i s t o r y Se r i e s P u b l i s h i n g Co.,
1975); for d i s c u s s i o n s of the r e l a t i o n be t we e n
t e c h n o l o g i c a l / i n d u s t r i a l change, t h e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n
of k n o w l e d g e and social cha n ge in t h i s period, see
J a m e s Gilbert, D e s i g n i n g the Industrial S t a t e i The
I nt e llectual P u rs u i t of C o l l e c t i v i s m 1880=1914
(Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Ch i c a g o Press, 1972), and
A l e x a n d r a Q l es o n and John Voss, T h e O r g a n i z a t i o n
of K n o w l e d g e in Mo d er n America^, 1860= 1 92 0
(Baltimore: J o h n s Ho p k i n s Press, 1979).
20 E. P.
Democracy
in A merica
, p. 220.
Thompson, "Time, Work Discipline, and Industrial
Capitalism"
Past and Pr e se n t
3 8 (December 1967),
p p . 5 6 — 97.
21
Herbert Gutman, W g r k ^ Oult u-e and S o c i e t y in
I n d u s t r i a l i z i n g A m er i c a
(New York: Alf r ed Knopf,
1967), p. 30; sea also Daniel Ne lso n N a n a c a r s and
W o r k e r s ! O r i g i n s of the New F ac t o r y S ys t e m
in the L K S ^ 1380=1,920
(Madison: U n i v e r s i t y of
W is c o n s i n Press, 1975).
22
Har r y Brave r ma n , Labo r and Mg n gg g l y C a g i t a l i The
D e g r a d a t i g n of Work in the I w en t i e t h C en t u r y
(New York: M o n t h l y R e v i e w Press, 1974), p. 30.
23
Cantor,
24
Philip Foner, Ma r k T w a i n ! Social Cr i ti c
(New York: 1957), pp. 68-69; see al s o R. H.
Tawney, Th e A c g u i s i t i y e So c ie t y , (New York:
H a r c o u r t , B r a c e and Howe, 1921), p. 35 for a
c o n t e m p o r a r y s c h o l a r l y as s es s m e n t of how
we al t h w a s t h e fo u nd a t i o n for p u b l i c esteem.
A H ar v a r d e c o n o m i c s p r of e ss o r a rg u e d ge ne t ic
b as e s for b u s i n e s s behavior, the itch for
power, d om i n a t i o n , m o n e y mak i ng and an inborn
love of rule: F. W. Taussig, Inven t or s and
t!3Qgy L a k e r s
(New York: Macmillan, 1915),
Ch a pt e r 3, "The P s y c h o l o g y of M o n e y Mak ing."
25
L a w r e n c e Goodwyn, The P QO u li s t Mo m e n t ! 6 Short ,
H i s t o r y of th e Ag r ar i a n Revolt in A me r i c a
(Oxford : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1978),
p. Xi .
American
W or k i n g Cla s s
, p.
13.
26
Ibid
; for a d i s c u s s i o n of t h e ideological cast of
mind in U.S. s o c i e t y as a co n tr i b u t i o n to the
rapid indu s tr i al c h a n g e s of t he ni n e t e e n t h
c e n t u r y see N a t h a n Rosenberg, T e c h n o l o g y and
E c o n o m i c G r ow t h
(New York: Harp e r
and Row, 1972), pp. 25-36, 44-50.
27
Ibid
.
28
Ibid
., p. );i x .
58
C H A PT E R
III
VICTORIAN LABOR
As stat e d earlier,
as social
control
IDE O LO G Y
one of the f u n c t i o n s of
i d e o lo g y
is to d e fi n e the d o m i n a n t s ymbolic
u ni v e r s e t hr o ug h which socie t y p r e s e n t s a coherent
d e f i n i t i o n of t h e way t h i n g s are in a m a n n e r which
l e g i t i m a t e s its powerful
elements.
T h e p e ri o d
1 8 7 0 -1 9 00
w i t n e s s e d the e m e r g e n c e of a c l a ss c o n s c i o u s e n t r e p r e n e u r al
i d eo l og y to ward
cultural
labor w hich was of m ajor
d e v e l o p m e n t of U.S.
industrial
s i g n i f i c a n c e in the
s o c i e t y and of
labo r' s c o n s c i o u s n e s s with in that society.
d e s c r i b e s the co n t e n t of that
consci o u s nes s
This chapter
" g i v e n ” cr received
in t his period by Sinalycing the dominant
s y mb o li c u n i v e r s e as it d e fined the gene r al
b etwe e n capital
and
labor,
the proper
relationship
s t at i on and r ol e of
all p a r t i c i p a n t s and the r e a s o n s for t h e i r s u c c e s s or
f ai lure.
T h e social
r a t i o n a l i t y of c a p i t a l i s m found
particular expression
culture.
in late n i n e t e e n t h
V i c t o r i a n s c o n s t i t u t e d a b o urgeois,
m i dd l e class,
for t h e most part a p r o d u c t
revolution.
The o w n e r s h i p
the material
b a s i s for th eir social
Yet,
most
ce n t u r y V ic t o r i a n
Protestant,
of the industrial
of p r o d u c t i v e w ea l th f u r ni s he d
and
intelle ct u al
h i s t o r i a n s of V i c t o r i a n c u l t u r e u n d e r s t a n d
t e rm s of
its e m p h a s i s on value s and morals,
rational
order and efficiency,
and,
power.
it in
in particular,
f u rt h ermore,
in t e r m s of
59
its o v e r wh e lm i ng
d e d ic a ti o n to p e r s u a s i o n
as a m e ans of
p r o p a g a t i n g t h e m . 1 The V i c t o r i a n s were s e r i o u s peop l e to
w h o m moral
c o n s i d e r a t i o n s were u p permost.
Daniel
Howe
c h a r a c t e r i z e d t he i r s p e e c h as "laden w i t h w o r d s like ' d u t y ’,
’u r g e n c y ’ , and
’v i r t u e ’ ." The e a r n e s t n e s s with which t hese
v a l u e s w er e promo t ed w a s "rooted in t h e a s s um p ti o n of the
o b j e c t i v i t y and u n i v e r s a l i t y of moral
p r i n c i p l e s . "2
V i c t o r i a n s f o l l o w e d a p r e s c r i p t i o n for p ersonal
wh ich
included sexual
repress i ve n es s ,
u s u a l l y defe rr e d g r at ification,
control,
punctuality,
hard work,
The
behavior
n a r r o w l y defined
e m p h a s i s on personal
and
self
ni g gardliness,
sal f-i iTiprovaiTiant, compe t i t i on and acqui si t i v a n e s s .
Vict o r i a n s hoped that
char ac teri sti os,
these personal
when tr a n s l a t e d
into th e social
realm,
w ould p r od u ce a s o c i e t y where c o l l e c t i v e s e c u r i t y and order
were g u a ra n te e d by Individual
In part,
a d h e r e n c e to t e n e t s of
rational
behavior.
t he high v a l u e plac e d on
rational
order r e s u l t e d from the t e n s i o n s and strain of
rapid c h a n g e and m o d e r n i z a t i o n which
i n t e n s i f i e d the psychic
n e e d s of e l i t es t o m a in t ai n v i s i b l e s i g n s of social
stability.
u rb a n areas,
A tt r a c t i n g a large w o rk i ng c l a s s popu l at i on to
U.S.
e l i t e s of the g i ld e d age e n j o y e d cheap,,
re a d i l y available,
time,
g e n er a ti n g
to their power.
o v e r l y plentiful
labor,
but at the same
among t h e m s e l v e s a f e ar of p os s i b l e t h r e a t s
Social
h o s t i l i t y with which
fear w a s evide n t
in the anxious
V i c t o r i a n s v i ewed d r u n k e n n e s s and the
60
i d l e n e s s of social
g o u p i n g s of the w o r k i n g class,
in t h e i r n o s t a l g i a for t h e "old days"
of order
as well
as
and
obedience.
H i s t o r i a n s pl ac e d an i m po r t a n t
i m p u l s e of t h i s per i od
disruptions.3
s ou r c e of the re fo r m
in e l i t e a t t e m p t s to deal
Si n c e V i c t o r i a n s vi ew e d social
com in g fro m the workers,
the i r fe a r s c o a l e s c e d
a ss a u l t on wo r k i n g c l a s s ideology,
behavior
with
social
i ns t a b i l i t y as
in a general
and culture.
D i s c i p l i n e and r e p r e s s i o n c o n s t i t u t e d c o n s t a n t
themes in
t his a s sa u l t as e l i t e s so ug h t t o i mp o s e order on the
la bo r in g cl a s s in schools,
houses,
with
devi ces
and at wjcrk,
with
labor
s e tt lem ent
laws,
churches,
punctuality,
asylums,
such as p r o h i b i t i o n and blue
efficiency,
o b e d i e n c e and temperance.
i m p a r t i n g b o u r g e o i s values,
c r e a t e disciplined,
moral
Vi c to r i a n
time thrift,
In short,
and r e s p e c t a b l e workers.
classicism,
the work ethic,
Darwinism.4
Bot h classical
liberalism,
Both as su m ed
the
and Social
law,
r a t i o n a l i t y and
" n a t u r a l n e s s " , and thus the
i m m u t a b i l i t y and u n i v e r s a l i t y of moral
t hat w e r e not hu ma n c o nstructs.
abstract
c entury
l i b e r a l i s m and s e ve n t e e n t h
c e n t u r y P u r i t a n i s m r e li e d on natural
o bjec t iv i ty ,
by
e l i t e s sought to
V ic t o r i a n i de o l o g y co m b i n e d e i g h t e e n t h
individual ism.
prisons,
"human nature"
e n l i g h t e n e d f r e e will
laws
Both a s s u m e d an immutable,
in wh ic h r a tional
man possessed
wh i c h m a d e him bo t h r e a s o n a b l e and
r e s p o n s i b l e for his actions.
And the ideal
Protestant,
a
61
■frugal,
h ar d working,
sob e r man,
of the c l a s s i c i s t s a n d t h e
Darwinists.
merged with
"fittest" of the Social
A l t h o u g h ra t io n al
man r e p re s en t ed
men cou l d and did act r a t i o n a l l y at times,
Lockean,
some,
" e co n o m i c man"
and P ur i t a n views,
an
ideal,
and
Hobbs e an ,
p o s i t e d a fallen c o n d i t i o n for
w h e r e d i s o r d e r and u n r a t i o n a l i t y reigned.
T hi s idea
of unequal 1 y d i s t r i b u t e d r a t i o n a l i t y al l ow e d e l i t e s to
e xc l u d e c e rt a i n
insane,
social
the immoral
e l em ents:
- all
c on s t i t u t e d groups.
women,
unrati o na l
the
or i m p e r f e c t l y
When c o n f r o n t e d with the social
r e a l i t i e s of i ndustrial
society,
V i ct orian e l i t e s enlarged
■earlier de-f i ni ti ans of u n rat ion al
who p rac t i c e d
children,
social
disruptions
al am ant s to i n c l u d e those
in the form o-f labor
'■/iol an c a oi- who of fared -unsettling de fin i t i o n s of the way
th in g s oug h t to be.
Thus,
t h e central
the late n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y was control
p r o b l e m for el it e s in
of e l e m e n t s
in
so ci e ty w h o s e b e h a v i o r and
i de a s thre at e ne d th e m a i n t e n a n c e
of the c a p t a i ist o r d e r and
its rational
V i c t o r i a n s viewed
ci vilization,
pr es e r v i n g
t h e m s e l v e s as special
e n t r u s t e d w i t h the moral
social
c a r r i e r s of
r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of
c o r r e c t e c o n o m i c t h e o r y and social
The social
p r o m o t i o n of
whole.
"correct"
wholesom e ne s s.
b e h a v i o r w a s at
once an e x h o r t a t i o n t o -follow the V i ct o ri a n c od e of personal
conduct and a d e f i n i t i o n
r e a s o n s for their
of m o r a l l y marginal
i n fe r io r station,
g r o u p s and the
g e ne r a l l y t h e i r
u n w i l l i n g n e s s to a d h e r e to c o r r e c t behavioral
norms.
This
62
h elps e x p la i n t h e V i c t o ri a n e m p h a s i s on id e o l o g i e s which
j us t i f i e d the u n e q u a l
natural
States,
d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth:
individualism,
law and Social
Darwinism.
When D a r w i n i a n
ideas first e n t e r e d the United
Victorian
e l i t e s siezed upon t h em as a scientific
a d d i t i o n t o p r e v a i l i n g thought w h i c h d e f e n d e d unf et t er e d
c ompetition,
ra mpant
r e s i s t a n c e to s ocial
w e alth - in short,
individualism,
reform,
l i mi t ed government,
and t h e unequal
d i s t r ib u ti o n of
a m ode of t h o ug h t w h i c h gave sc i entific
j u s t i f i c a t i o n to t h e stat us quo and a c c e p t e d o nly limited
change.
Applying
to human society.
that d o v e t a i l e d
t h e biological
Social
D a rwi nis m p o s i t e d
with the I a i s sez - f a i r e
i ndustri aliz i ng period.
survival,
d i c t u m of natural
t h o se w i t h
sel e ct i on
a vision of
economic
life
ethic of the
In the s t r u g g l e for economic
favo ra b le c h a r a c t e r i sti cs such as
f r u g a l i t y and d i l i g e n c e were n a t u r a l l y elev a te d upward,
the lazy,
and
s h i f t l e s s and i ne f ficient w e re d ul y punished.
t h i s manner,
Social
to c o m p e t i t i o n
D a r w in i sm g a ve a b io logical
In
l e g it i ma c y
and the u n r es t ra i ne d p u r s u i t of self
interest.
B e c a u s e it was sup p os e dl y g r o u n d e d
Social
D a r w i n i s m f u r n i sh e d
l a i s s e z - f a i r e a nd natural
o r g a n i s m w h ich
coercion.
in science,
l eg i t i m a c y t o n o t i o n s of
law.
H u ma n s o c i e t y was an
s h o u l d grow naturally,
u n fe t te r ed by o u t si d e
S o c i e t y w o u l d prog r es s t o w a r d highe r forms of
c i v il i z a t i o n
only
if it were free.
Thus,
t h e state should
a dopt a n e g a t i v e role,
not p r o m o t e reform.
It s h ould
g u a r a n t e e each i ndi vi dual ■
’s a b s o l u t e f r e e d o m t o devel o p
naturally,
including f r e e d o m to p ur s ue b us i n e s s enterprise,
subj e ct to the r u l e that
Thus,
th e natural
o n e not harm the f r e e d o m of others.
law of e v o l u t i o n pre s cr i be d t h e natural
r i g h t s of each individual,
t o compete,
r i g ht s to an equal
t h e s e b e c a m e proper ethical
society.
r i g h t s to a free and equal
of natural
superiority,
and
in the game did so by dint of
t h o se who failed,
f a i l e d because
inferiority.
Not only did Social
1 a i s s e z - f a i ra and
D a r w i n i s m legi tim ate
i nd ividualism,
its most activ e and p o p u l a r
to capital
law,
s t a n d a r d s wi thin V i c t o r i a n
T h os e who s u c c e e d e d
t heir natural
pro t ec t io n of t h e
chance
out Willi am G r a h a m Sumner,
proponent,
even a s c r i b e d a role
in the s t r u g g l e for e x i s t e n c e . 5
s t r u g g l e for existence,
a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital,
it
W i t h in the
is the produ c ti o n and
he maintained,
which a u g m e n t s the
p r o d u c t i v i t y of labor and e n s u r e s human progress.
a c q u i r e capital
Th ose who
are p o s s e s s o r s and t r an s m i t t e r s of superior
c h a racteri sti cs and t a l e n t s and their wealth is a legitimate
p a y m en t for their s e r v i c e s to civilization.
T h i s placed a
special
social
r e s p o n s i b i l i t y on the g u a rd i an s of capital
p rote c t
and p r o m o t e the v a l u e s and virtues n e c e s s a r y for
c o rr e ct o r g a n i z a t i o n , u t i l i z a t i o n
to
its
and p r e s e r v a t i o n .
Drawing on t h e v o g u e of Social
Darwinism,
Victorian
p h i l o s o p h e r s of s u cc e ss s e i z e d on the idea of t he freel y
64
c o m p e t i n g i nd i vidual
t o explain the i n c r e a s i n g gap between
t h o s e in rags and t h o s e in r i c h e s . 6
L a t e n i n e t e e n t h success
l i t e r a t u r e su ch as H o r a t i o Alger n o v e l s had tra n sf o rm e d
a n t e b e l l u m n o t i o n s of su c ce s s and s u c c e s s - p r o d u c i n g
q u a l i t i e s to a c c o m m o d a t e the new e c o n o m i c r e l a t i o n s h i p s of
industrial
society.
T he old an t e b e l l u m e m p h a s i s on self
d i s c i p l i n e and c h a r a c t e r had b al a nc e d e c o n o m i c vi r t u e s with
moral
and r e l i g i o u s
values,
would e n a b l e t h e individual
security.
c on d u c t
But
g u a r a n te e in g that
to a c h i e v e a m e a s u r e of
in the Vi c torian period,
l ea d i n g to self
ea rli er b a l a n c e to war d
m on opolistic
added
self
an almost naked
em pha s i s on the
;-cr the obvious fact
a d v a n c e m e n t was not a v a i l a b l e to all
ind u st r ia l
a new element,
i m p r o ve m en t .
setting,
competition,
Self
in i m p r ov i ng t h e
in a
p h i l o s o p h e r s of success
to tr a di t io n al
c o ncepts of
help l i t e ra t ur e i n c r e a s i n g l y
s t r e s s e d the e f f i c a c y of competition
progress.
ideas of ethical
improvement s h i f t e d away from this
pu rsu it of '.-jealth. Mor e o v e r , to a ccount
that e c o n o m i c
hard work
individual
in a f r e e m ar k etplace
and g u a r a n t e e i n g social
S o c i e t y p r ov i d e d a c o m p e t i t i v e a r e n a wherein all
s ho u ld s t r i v e for
a d va n c e m e n t and p ro s perity,
and where
s u c c e s s d e v o l v e d u p o n th o se with the r e q u i s i t e virtues.
Th os e w h o f ai l e d
cou l d blame only t h ei r own u n w i 1 1 1 ingness
to c o m p e t e or f a i l u r e to embody t he s e virtues.
In V i c t o r i a n
se rv e d
society,
the c o n c e p t of ra gs to riches
less t o e n c o u r a g e those in ra gs than
to j ustify those
ù5
with riches.
If w e a l t h w e r e t h e r e for t h e taking,
then
t h o s e wh o a v a i l e d t h e m s e l v e s of the o p p o r t u n i t y must p o s s e s s
c erta i n char a ct e ri s t i e s that set t h e m apart f r o m their
fellows,
enabling
advantages.
t h e m t o c a p i t a l i z e on t heir natural
C o n v er s el y ,
opportunity deserved
w e re supp o se d
t h i s manner,
those who fail e d to g rasp
t heir fate.
That w a s t h e w a y t hi n gs
to b e by both divine and material
design.
In
t he v i c t i m s of in d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n w er e blamed
for their p l i gh t
w h i l e e l i t e s and so c i e t y itself
escaped
r e s po n si b il i ty .
S ucce s sf u l
from poverty,
but
b u s i n e s s m e n of the gild e d age s e l d o m rose
began their caree rs on one of the higher
ru n gs of the ladder./'
A n dre w C a rn egi e was an e;; caption,
but his e;;ample b e c a m e t h e rule for m i l l i o n s on both s i des
of the p r o p e r t y
line.
It was n e c es s ar y to j u s t i f y their
high p o s it o n by i n s i s t i n g on the s u p er i or merit of t h o se who
sat there.
Although
b usiness m en ,
knowing
o w n e r s h i p posit i on s ,
they believed
that most
still
it for d i f f e r e n t reasons,
lab o re r s could never r i s e to
used the e x a m p l e of t he few w h o
did to a f f i r m t h at t he s y s te m was fluid,
cert ai n
open,
rewarding
kind of v i r t u e and p r o v i di n g individual
the e x p r e s s i o n w a s m o r e i m portant
the actuality.
in ideological
" G iv e me your tired,
p r o v id e d t h e s e t t i n g
your poor",
freedom.
a
But
t er m s than
and s o c i e t y
w h e re the v i r t u e s of such p e o p l e w e re
tested.
T h e p r e v a i l i n g e c on o mi c t he o ry in the V i c t o ri a n
66
p er i od de ri v ed f r o m s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y E nglish political
economy.8
C l as s ic a l
e c o n o m i c s i nt e r p r e t e d e co n o m i c
p r o c e s s e s wi t h i n t h e c o m p e t i t i v e a r e n a of p r i v a t e p r op e r t y
and individual
en t er p r i s e .
It p os i t e d t he e x i s t e n c e of an
i m p e r s o n a l l y f u n c t i o n i n g economic
w ere p r e s c r i b e d by nature.
competition
re i g n e d
a benef ic i al
in all
such e c on o mi c
1 abor pool,
unrestrained
sp h er e s of the economy,
t h e natural
progress.
p ro v i d i n g
The laws of
order of things,
p h e n o m e n a as supply and demand,
the
g o ve r n i n g
wages,
the
and th e d i st r i b u t i o n of wealth.
Classical
economi c
Within that system,
f o r c e t hat generated
marketplace reflected
s y s t e m w h o s e a b s o l u t e laws
sphere
e c o n o m i c s con si d e r e d all
as cogs
e l e m e n t s in the
in the ec onomic mac h i n e which worI:ed
s m o o t h l y as long as n o t h i n g i n t er f er e d with the free u s e and
e x c h a n g e of any of
its parts:
capital,
t e c h n o l o g y and e s p e c i a l l y labor.
market,
raw materials,
The w ho l e e c o n o m y w a s a
g o v e r n e d by f l u c t u a t i n g p r i c e s and conditions,
to the bu s in essman,
labor was no d i f f e r e n t fro m any oth e r
c om m o d i t y or service,
oversupply,
and
s u ff e r i n g th e com mo n fate of
p r i c e c o m p e t i t i o n and
imper s on a li z at i on ,
c ar r yi n g no mo r e o b l i g a t i o n than any othe r materials.
This
mar ke t m e n t a l i t y p r e c l u d e d any a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t t h a t labor
was a c o l l e c t i v e t e r m for humans,
over wh o m o w n e r s had
direct c o n t r o l .
Businessmen
control
did not b e l i e v e that they e x er c is e d any
over t h e m a r k e t
or could s u c c e s s f u l l y d e f y its laws.
67
R ai l r o a d owners,
T h o m a s C o ch r a n notes,
assumed that no
b u s i n e s s could pay labor m o r e than su b s i s t e n c e wages a n d
survive.
O w n e r s saw t h e m s e l v e s as "simply m a r s h a l s of the
f o r c e of e c o n o m i c l a w . "9
E c o n o m i c s te xt b oo k s of
p r o f e s s i o n a l s such as Arthur L. Pe r ry held th a t wa g es and
p r o f i t s bo re an in ve r se relatio n sh i p.
i n c o m p a t i b l e wi t h high profits.
High w a g e s we r e
Businessmen pro m ot e d t h e
idea that w a g e s were d e t e r m i n e d by law and t h a t s t r i k e s were
t h e r e f o r e p o w e r l e s s to be n e f i t the working class.
as se r t e d Perry,
w e re an " i r r e le v an t re m e d y for low w ages."
And t h e s e o r i n c i p l e s were in keeping with the
of 3od
laid down at once in the C onstitution
in the Con st i t u t i o n
Social
"Strikes,"
of man."
"same old
laws
of things and
10
D a r w i n i s m r ei n f o r c e d the impersonal
the w o r k i n g s of this system,
n a t u r e of
m a i n t a in i ng that some w e r e
r i g h t l y more fit to pl a y its g a m e than others and d e s e r v e d
unequal
r e w a r d s based on unequal
Moreover,
the ei g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y had idealised and
rationalized
self
d egrees of fitness.
individualism,
b e l i e v in g that the pursuit
in t erest w as a law of nature,
i n c luded a d o c t r i n e of social
classical
of
e c o n o m ic s
s el ection that o n c e a n t e d a t e d
the n i n e t e e n t h c e nt u r y and a n t i c i p a t e d e xactly the
a rchetyp i ca l
e n t r e p r e n e u r of t h e gilded age.
s e v e n t e e n t h century,
classical
"economic man",
while c o m p l e t e l y absorbed
self
who,
From the
e c o n o m ic s had des c ri b ed
in te r es t and co m p l e t e l y m o t i v a te d by gain,
in his own
68
u n c o n s c i o u s l y a c t ed
whole.
in t h e b est
A s man p u r s u e d
in d ividual
m a x i m i z a t i o n of prof i ts ,
w h o l e of society.
with t h e rational
i ndiviual
i n t er e st s of s o c i e t y as a
Self
self
inte re s t was t h e r e f o r e identical
i n t e r e s t s of the social
corporate organization
m a i n l y the
h i s a c t i vi t y d i r e c t l y be n e f i t e d the
e f f o r t s of o n e individual
business elites
interest,
p aled
whole.
As the
in the face of
and m o n o p o l y c a p it a li s m,
Vict o ri a n
i n s i s t e d that c o r p o r a t i o n s a c t e d as
i n d i v i d u a l s and t h e ir a c t i v i t y was a l s o a m e a n s to progress.
What b e n e f i t e d t h e c o m p a n y b e n ef i te d the nation.
Go vernment
intervention
Unnecessary
was both u n n e c e s s a r y
si nce s o c i e t v under
and unwise.
freedom was a l re ady
ps r f e c t l v consti tuted ", unvii se since any v i o l a t i o n
nacLir e' s law w ould
s o ci e ty with
u pset
chaos.
the d e l i c a t e balance,
In addition,
e c o no m ic
law;
c o n v e rs e ly ,
it
or r e v e r s e d w hen t hese laws w e r e disobeyed.
any i n c r e a s e in s ta t e a c t i v i t y c a u s e d a direct
and c o r r e s p o n d i n g d e c r e a s e
individuals.
pu n i s h i n g
P r o g r e s s occu r re d only when man
s u b j e c t e d hims e lf to natural
w as i n t e r r u p t e d
of
in the f r e e d o m of
its
T h e s t a t e a s s u m e d a n e g a t i v e role.
The n i n e t e e n t h
c e n t u r y conc e pt of e c o n o m i c man
i n c lu d ed t h e n o t i o n t h a t
than o t h e r s to deal
in t h e econ om i c sphere.
a c u t e p e o p l e had b e t t e r
c a p a c i t i e s to exploit,
of the i m personal
some men were n a t u r a l l y m or e suited
Certain,
n o t i o n s of m a r k e t o p p o r t u n i t y
and thus
more
and
"natural 1 y " t o ok a d v a nt a ge
w o r k i n g s of the system.
T h i s idea
69
p r o du c e d
an a t m o s p h e r e w h er e t h e r e was a sort of G r e s h a m ' s
law of b e h a v i o r
in which c er t a i n
k i n d s of m o re
c o m p e t i t i v e b e h a v i o r drove out m o r e
b etter
"honorable"
forms,
s ui t e d to ea r li e r times.
Because Victorians assumed
social
"modern"
interests,
the i d en t it y of self and
be ca u se t h ey as s u m e d that man inh e ri t ed
i n s t i n c t s f or acquisi t iv e ne s s,
t h e r e was no p r o b l e m with a
s e p a r a t e social
m or a l i t y with r e s p e c t to b u s i n e s s activity.
E conomics,
its own l e g i t i m a t i n g morality,
w i th
s e p a r a t e s p h e r e from or d in a r y morality.
d i v or c e d
e c o n o m i c s and reformers,
Succ ess was the onlv moral
econ omy
and his a c c u m u l a t i o n of property,
and cultural
individual
all
of which a s su r ed h is
rights,
law also e m bo d ie d
e s p e c i a l l y t h o s e that pr o mi s ed
l i b e r t y and the right t o p r o p e r t y . 12
by all,
W ithin this
p r o p e r t y l e s s e m p l o y e e s h a d no legal
a rg u i n g ab ou t w a g e s or conditions.
leaders,
Th e r i g h t s
i n cluding the right of
o wn e rs to m a n a g e p r op e r t y as t h e y saw fit.
discharged
of
his coiTipet i t i ve drive,
idea of n atural
of p r o p e r t y must be re s pected
context,
political
au th o ri t y. i l
T he c l assical
n o t i o n s of natural
Vic torian
b u s i n e s s m a n to a p o s it i o n
role model , extol 1 i ng his successes,
social
Businessmen
b u s i n e s s and ethics.
indicator,,
ele va t e d the successful
w as a
Thus,
b a s i s for
e m p l oy e rs
b l ac k l i s t e d w o r k e r s and killed
based on t h e right to m a n a g e property.
unions
70
The f u nd a me n ta l
classical
econom i cs ,
concept u n d e r l y i n g
natural
cult of the f r e e and self
in Pr ot e st a nt i sm ,
en l i g h t e n m e n t
r ea c h e d full
Darwinism,
fa i re was the
suffi c ie n t i n di v id u al .
and E n g l i s h political
late n i n e t e e n t h
special
law and l aissez
e s p e c i a l l y evangelical
fruition
Social
With roots
p ro t es t a n t i s m ,
economy,
th i s idea
in the open e c o n o m i c f r e e for all
c e n t u r y U.S.
the
in
I n d i vi d ua l is m r e c e i v e d a
boost a f t e r the advent of i n du s tr i a l i z a t i o n ,
was a p h i l o s o p h y w h i c h refle ct e d the d o m i n a n t
p r i v a t e l y owne d p r o d u c t i v e enterprise.
for it
mode of
C a p i t a l i s m treated
p eo p l e as a u t o n o m o u s e c on o mi c unit s that f u n c t i o n e d as
individual,
equal
being u n d e r m i n e d
and
se parate buyers and
by the r e a li t ie s of
nevertheless ingrained
s e l l e r s in the
indus t ri a l
in native U.S.
life,
it was
workers.
I n d i vi d ua l is m wa s a less easily pr o m o t e d v a l u e among
immigrants,
however,
often n o n - W e s t e r n
from n o n - u r b a n , n o n - i n d u s t r i a l ,
c o n t e x t s where mo de r n s o c i o e c o n o m i c
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s had not yet dulled tr a di t i o n a l
v a l u e s . 13
G erman
I n d i v i d u a l i s m was a m o r e conge ni a l
and J e w i s h
communal
va l u e to urban
immigrants.
Wi t hi n t h i s general
d efined
and
ideological
the c a p i t a l i s t - e n t r e p r e n e u r
context,
V i ct o ri a ns
and the laborer,
a sc r ib i ng v a r i o u s c l a s s characteri sti cs to eac h group.
After
1880,
and social
traditional
wo r t h
of the
be li e fs in the cu l tu r al
individual
importance
work e r r e f l e c t e d new
71
c o n c e p t s of
labor mo re in keeping with the changed
c o n d i t i o n s of
industrial
w o r k e r w a s no longer
im pe r so n al
society.
To the businessman,
an admired social
type,
e c o n o m i c e lement to be utilised.
businessmen
still
w o r k e r s and
self
the
but an
A lt hough
o ffered rh et o ri c in p r a i s e of work,
improvement,
their a c t i o n s we r e
g uided by
the k n o w l e d g e that the c h ances for a d v a n c e m e n t were small
and th a t t h e great m a jo r i t y of w o r k e r s wou l d die in
occupational
c a t e g o r i e s not far re m o v e d from where they were
born.
S i n c e most wor k er s were also poor,
"vjDr k sr “ and
"poor " became
in t er twined
d ef i n i t i o n s of
in Vi ctor i an
ideology.
C r i t i c i s m s of poverty of f e r e d by elites often
in vo l ve d
c r i t i c i s m s of one's work sta t io n and work habits.
In
pre-bOLir
geoi 5 Chr i st i an society,
p o v e r t y was t hought to
be d ue to f o r c e s o u t s i d e human control.
and poor
and o b e d i e n c e to him i n volved
as per m an e nt .
P o v e r t y was a burden,
S o m e t h i n g that,
a t o n e d for.
to exe r t
active,
ac ce p ti n g o n e ’s lot
but not a sin.
w h i l e it could not be overcome,
After the rise of industrial
its l e g i t i m a t i n g
a r e s u l t of
God de t ermined rich
ideologies,
ca p i t a l i s m and
society vie w ed p overty
o n e ' s f a t e than of one's personal
oneself,
one's improper habits,
w i l l i n g sin.
need not be
"The general
less as
u nw i l l i n g n e s s
and even one's
t r u t h will
stand," Henry
Ward
B e e c h e r noted to his congregation,
"that no man in this
land
s u f f e r s from po ve r ty u nless it b e more than his fault -
7:
u n le s s it be h is s i n . "14
o n e ’s e f f or t s one c o u l d
d e m on s t r a t i o n
try.
of this,
Thus b u s i n e s s m e n
P o v e r t y w as not p er manent;
improve.
by
T h e rich were
the poor an e x a m p l e of the f a i l u r e to
and their c l e r g y p r e a c h e d t he
d o c t r i n e of s u c c e s s and the d o m in a nt
s y m b ol i c u n i v e r s e held
out to the o r d i n a r y labor e r a world of gl i t t e r i n g s u c c e s s a n d
wealth
that served
blistering
both as an i n c e n t i v e to r is e and a
r e m i n d e r of h i s own i n a d e q u a c y and un w or t hiness.
B u s in e ss m en s '
instructive.
d isr u pt e d
a t t i t u d e s towa r d c h a r i t y are
Aid t o t he poor,
the natural
they maintained,
w o r k i n g s of t he marketplace,
u n d e se r ve d bv t he r e c i p i e n t s
is very small,"
Fïussel 1 Conwell;
"to s y m p a t h i z e with
Most b u s i n e s s m e n
p o v e r t y f u nc t i o n e d
t hem to hard work.
o b s e rv e d
the Rever e nd
a man whom God has
t hu s to help him when Bod will
c o n t i n u e a just p un i shment,
it."
but was
and a c t u a l i v h a r m ed t h e m by
s y m p at h iz e d with
p u n i sh e d for h i s sins,
not only
is to do wrong,
in the gild ed
no doubt
still
about
aige w e r e co n v i n c e d t h a t
to make p eo p le austere,
The limited social
and to s t i m u l a t e
responsibility
that
e l i t es assum e d t ow a rd t h e work i ng c l a ss was a l wa y s couched
w ithi n this c o n t e x t of
i n d i v i d u a l i s m and the u t i l i t y of
poverty.
E l i t e s s p e c i f i e d t h e reason
poverty:
personal
b us i n e s s m e n
habits.
for w o r k in g c la s s
W o r k e r s w ould not s ave money:
w e re s a v e r s and their wealt h was the result,.
poor had t h e n ower of
saving
if t h e y only would.
The
7:
Thus wo r k e r s in the late n i ne t e e n t h c e n tu r y
e x p e r i e n c e d the i n c re a si n g p o v e r t y of their material
s u r r o u n d ! n g s and at t he same t i m e a new ideological
w h i ch
assault
i d en t i f i e d t h em a s the a c t i v e c a u s e of t heir own
misfortune.
T he s e i d e as imp re s se d upon w o rk e rs the r e a l i t y
of t heir s ec o nd class,
a b ho r re n t nature,
the g u i lt y architects,
and on w h i c h b a s i s they w e r e d e n ie d a
l e g i t i m a t e p l a c e in society.
workers,
undermining
of w h ich t he y w ere
T h i s p l a c e d a s t i g m a on the
self respect.
It is d i f fi c ul t to
d e t e r m i n e t h e d e g r e e to which labor i n te r n a l i z e d
d efinitions,
ui B u i
but it is clear that
:i.n= and the d i s r u D Z i o n of
f u r n is h ed critical
in this period,
such
such an
cr adi ti c lai c u ltu re
e l e m e n t s in the so c ia l i z a t i o n
of the
w o r k f o r c e to d o m i na n t b o u r g e o i s culture.
businessmen
in Vi c t o r i a n
i deas for v a r i o u s reasons.
S', stem to a new level
First,
so c i e t y p o pu l a r i z e d
t h e y shif t ed t he v a l u e
of m aterialism.
society became organized
N i n et e en t h
c e nt u ry
around t h e a s s u m p t i o n that material
v a l u e s could be univers al i ze d .
é c on o mi e h i s t o r i a n Karl
such
It is for this reason,
F'olanyi,
that one can
to
"allow a
c o m p a r a t i v e l y w id e s c o p e t o the p l ay of econ o mi c m o ti v es
when a n a l y z i n g that s o c i e t y . "15
u niversal
and social
legitimation
behavior,
Second,
t hese i d e as gave
to V i c t o r i a n b u s i n e s s m e n ' s e c o n om i c
a l l o w i n g t h e m to defend the s t at u s quo
and justif'/ t heir s u pe r io r po s i t i o n w h i l e atta ck i ng
labor.
74
But they were m or e than
just
an excu se for e x pl a i n i n g
and
abso lv i ng r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the fate of t h e industrial
workers.
It was m o r a l l y
as s u a g i n g for e l i t e s to pict u re
c om p e t i t i o n as a r e f l e c t i o n of biological
their spe c if i c
labor
necessity.
i d e o l o g y was d esigned to bring the
e n t i r e c a p i t a l - l a b o r d i a l o g u e within the ideological
al r e a d y pr e s c r i b e d by P r o t e st a nt i sm ,
social
Darwinism,
in short,
re la t i o n s h i p b e tw e en capital
a f f i r m a t i o n s of r e c e i v e d
matter.
classical
busi n e s s m a n u n d e r t o o k to
in need of
arena
e c o n o m i c s and
to r educe t h e d e b a t e on the
and labor to a s er i es of
ideas.
That was t h e heart of the
For it was from this ideological
elem en t most
And
or i e n t a t i o n that
educate, orosletyzs, oropagandize
education
- labor.
ENDNOTES:
I
Daniel
C HAPTER
III
Howe, "A me r ic a n V i ct o r i a n i s m as a Cu l tu r e"
American Quarterly
vol. 27 (1975), No. 5,
p. 507-532; se e also H. W a y n e Morgan
V i c t o r i a n C u l t u r e in America 186 5 -1 9 14
(Itasca, III.: F. E Peacock, 1973).
, P ■ 52 5
3
see
Michael Katz,
I he Irony of E a r l y School R e f g r m f
E d u c a t io n al I nn o vations in M i d - N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y
Massachusetts
(Cambridge: Har v ar d U n i v e r s i t y
Press. 1968), and David R othman
The D i s c o v e r y of
the Asylum: Social Order and D is o r d e r in t h e N e w
PsjouiDlic
(Boston : Little, Brown, 19/1).
4
C.B.
I'iacPhar s e n , "The Social B ear i n g s or L o c k e ’s
Po litical T heory" in Judith Shklar, ad.,
Pg i it i ca i The o ry and Ideology
(New York: The
M a c M i l l a n Company, 1966), pp. 66-79; L o u i s Hartz
"The M e n t a l i t y of a Vi ct o ri o us M i d d l e Class" in
Ihe Liberal Ira d it i gn in A m er i ca
(New York:
H a r e o u r t , B r a c e and World, 1966), p. 89.
5
R i ch a rd H o f s ta d te r ,
Social D a r w i n i s m in Am e ri c a n
T ho u g h t
( B o s t o n : Beacon Press, 1944), p. 58.
6
John
7
Lee Sol tow. Men and Wealth in the Un i t e d S t a t e s ^
iiiSziSZQ
(New Haven: Yale U n i v e r s i t y Press,
1976); s e e also Lo u is Galambos, The Pubffc
Image of B i g B u s i n e s s in A m er i c a 188 0 =1 9 40 f
A Q u a n t i t a t i v e St u dy of Social C h an g e
(Baltimore: J o h n s Hop k in s Uni versi tv Press.
1975).
a
A rt h ur L. Perry,
P r i n c i g l e s of Political E c o n o m y
(New York: 1835), p. 195, 237, 264; al s o see
F r a n c e s Bo w en
A m erican P g f i t i c a f E c o n o m y
(New York : 1390), p. 207.
Cawelti,
A g g s t l e s of the Self M a de Man
(Chicago; U n i v e r s i t y of Ch ic a go Press, 1965),
pp. 168-171.
9
T h o m a s C. Cochran,
Bâii.C9=\d L e a d e r s 1845 - 18 9 01
The B u s i n e s s Mind in A c ti o n
(Cambridge: Harvard
U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1953), p. 182; b u s i n e s s scho o ls
tr e a t e d i m m i g r a t i o n as p u r e l y an e c o n o m i c matter,
see Isaac H o u rw i ch , Ph.D., I mm i g r a t i o n and L a b g r l
Ihe E c o n o m i e A s p e c t s of European Imm i gr a ti o n to
the U n i t ed S t a t e s , (New York: B. W. Huebsch,
Inc., 1922), Ch a p t e r II, "Report of the Immigration
Commi ssi o n . "
10
Perry,
p.
195,
237,
264.
11
J a m es Bridge, Insi d e H i s t o r y o f C a r n e g i e Steel
(New York: A i d i n g Book Co., 1903), p. viii
d i s c u s s e s h o w Social D a r w i n i s m l e g i t i m a t e s
the removal of e t h i c s f r o m economics.
12
N i c h o l a s A b e r c ro m bi e ,
C l as s ^ S t r u c t u r e and K n o w l e d g e !
P r o b l e m s in t h e S g g i g l o g y of K n o w l e d g e
(New York:
New York U n i v e r s i t y Press. 1980), pp. 56-58, 63.
13
Gerald R o senblum,
I m m i gr a nt W o r k e r s ! l OglC Impact
on Am e r i c a n L a bor R a d i c al i sm
(New York : Basic
Bociis, 1973), p. 115.
14
quoted in S i d n e y Fine,
Laissez-if ai re and the General
W e l fa r e S t a t e f A Study of Conf li c t in Amer i ca n
Ihought^ 1863-1901
(Ann Arbor: U n i v e r s i t y of
M i c h i g a n Press, 1956), p. 137; s e e H e n r y Ward
Beecher, A d y f p e to Young Men
(Philadelphia:
H e n r y Altemus, 1900).
15
Karl
Polanyi,
J h e Great I r a n s f g r m a t i o q ! The
Poli ti c al and E c on o mi e O r i g in s of Our Time
(Boston: B e a c o n Press, 1944), p. 153.
77
CHAPTER
EM PL O YE R
IDEOLOGY
IV
IN T H E P U L L M A N ST R I K E
The Great Ch i ca g o St r i k e of
w hi c h d e m o n s t r a t e d the labor
1894 fu r ni s he d
i d e o l o g y of th e ow n er s and
m a n a g e r s of the Pul l ma n P a l a c e Car Company,
General
Managers'
a context
and th ro u gh the
A ss o c i a t i o n tha t of th e o w n e r s and
m a n a g e r s of the 23 r a i l r o a d s with a t e r m i n u s in Chicago.
addition,
G eorge P u l l m a n ' s c r e a t i o n of th e model
In
factory
town of Pu l l m a n f ou rteen y e a r s b e f o r e the s t r i k e off e re d an
e x a m p l e of an e m p l o y e r ’s social
demonstration
of
what
tvpe
of
i d e a l s in practice,
social
e n v i roniTient
i iTipl i cati on , manv manuf a ctu r e r s woul d have
s tr i k e and b oycott de c lared by
a ga i ns t P ullman car carriers,
in an industrial
rhetoric
a
he,
and
if the'.' could
the A m e r i can Ra il w ay Union
and th e use of federal
force
di s p u t e g e n e r a t e d a bod y of e m ployer
c o n c e rn i ng r e l a t i o n s of capital
and labor and
w o r k i n g m e n ' s r i g h t s to organize,
s t r i k e and boycott.
c o u r s e of t h es e events,
id e ol o g y le g it i ma t ed
e m pl o y e r
In the
c a p i t a l i s t social
and eco n om i c s t r u c t u r e s and w o rk e d to
o b s t r u c t workers'
o r g a n i z a t i o n , d e f u s e their resistance,
d i s c r e d i t them publicly,
their
ideology.
by
and pr e v e n t t h e p r o p a g a t i o n of
The Pu l lm a n S t r i k e c o n s t i t u t e d
de fe a t for r ai l r o a d labor,
a major
a de fe a t b r o u g h t on in part by
the p r o p a ga t io n of the labor i d e o l o g y of G eo r g e Pu ll m an and
t h e r a i 1 r o a cl owners.
78
.L-. EyllüîêO. Town
Geor ge P u l lm a n
Company
1880,
in
e s t a b 1i shed the P u ll m an P a l a c e Car
1867 with a capital
i nv e s t m e n t of 41,000,000.
By
p r o s p e r i t y and p a t en t pr o t e c t i o n e n a b le d h im to
a c q u i r e a m o n o p o l y of ra i l r o a d s l e e p i n g car m a n u f a c t u r e and
s e r v i c e on t h r e e - f o u r t h s of the n a t i o n ' s rail
fiscal
year endi ng
in July,
of 8 to
profits,
i n c l ud i ng $ 2 , 5 2 0 , 0 0 0 in 1893,
d i s t r i b u t i n g i-ianss of
prod u ce d
having a $ 2 5 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 surp lu s of
p a y i n g y e a r ly d i v i d e n d s to s t o c k h o l d e r s
12 per cent
r e d uc t io n
The
1893 found the C o m p a n y
c a p i t a l i z e d at $ 3 6 , 0 00 , 00 0 ,
u nd i v i d e d
mileage.
37,233,000.
in w ag s p a y m e n t s
The Panic of
in fiscal
no cor r es p on d i ng r e d uc t io n
1394
and
1393 f o rced
be 34,47!.,000,
in dividends;
a
but
the latter
r ose to $ 2 , 3 3 0 , 0 0 0 . 2
P r o s p e r i t y in
1880 a l l ow e d Pull ma n to c o n s t ru c t a
ne w car plant and a l o n g s i d e
Pullman.
it,
the p l a n n e d
P u l l m a n ’s town b e c a m e the material
hi s p r i n c i p l e s of e c o n o m y and social
particular,
his labor
both the grea t er
ideology.
ide o lo g ic a l
c e n t u r y A m e r i c a n society,
s o c i o e c o n o m i c r e a l i t y of
1880,
million,
B etwe e n
Pullman's
late nin e te e nt h
in pa r ticular,
1890,
the
Betwe e n
1870 and
almost d o u bl e d to o ne half
and it b e c a m e the n a t i o n ' s b u s ie s t
1880 and
and in
ideas refle c te d
boom t ow n Chicago.
Chicago's population
m a n i f e s t a t i o n of
control,
m i l i e u of
and,
co m m u n i t y of
rail wa y c e n t e r .
t he c i t y' s p o p u l a t i o n t r i p le d to one
79
and one half million.
d i s ea s e infested,
constituted,
R a p id l y built,
w o r ki n g c la s s h o u s i n g
u n r e s t t hat plagued the
Labor d i s t u r b a n c e s hit the c i t y many t imes during the
d e c ad e of t h e
u pr i s i n g s of
which
dist r ic t s
in the opini o n of m a n y b u s i n e s s leaders,
bree di n g g r o u n d s for the social
city.
o v e r c r o w d e d , d irty and
1870s.
1877,
In the great n a t i o n w i d e railroad
C h i c a g o w i t n e s s e d four days of rioting
left m o r e than 40 dead and s c o r es i n j u r e d . 3
n e w s p a p e r s p re d i c t e d
C o n v ul s io n ,"
and
"Civil
War",
"Red W a r . "4
S q u ar e ge n e r a t e d a national
In
Chicago
"Horrid Social
1886,
e v e n t s near Haym a ke t
o u t c r v among b u s in e ss m en
and the
labor e l e m e n t s . 5
T h e s e and o ther d i s o r d e r s alarmed
such as G e o r g e Pullm a n
and made t h e m fearful
some b u s i n es s me n
to the d a n g e r s of industrial
of a great
social
soci et y
revolution.
D e t e rm i ne d to avert a c a t a s t r o p h e , many busi ne s s
leaders
b ec a me c o n c e r n e d w i t h the living c o n d i t i o n s of working
p eopl e as t he y s e ar c he d for n ew i n s t i t u t i o n s to bring order
to the urban social
involved
structure.
in C h i c a g o ' s social
thro u gh the Y.M.C.A.
P u l l m a n had early b e co m e
and civic
and the C h i c a g o Manual
youth t e m p e r a n c e thro ug h the Citizens'
and civic
began
life:
Train i ng School,
Law and Order League,
i mp r o v e m e n t t h r o u g h comm er c ia l
in his own p l a n t s in
education
clubs.
W e lf a re work
1873 with the charter of the
80
Pullman Mutual
B enefit Ass oc i at i on ,
and Pu l l m a n e x p r e s s e d
t h e de si r e to p r o v i d e f u t u r e eating,
social
bathing,
r e ading,
and
f a c i l i t i e s for w o r k e r s . 6
P u l l m a n ' s d e s i r e to pr e v e n t social
d i s o r d e r was
matched only by his e a g e r n e s s to p r om o t e h a b i t s of
e f f i c i e n c y and e c o n o m y among workers.
model
town c om b in e d e co n o m i c
inve st m en t with
social
Th e i m p e t u s for t h e
e f f i c i e n c y and r e tu r n
control.
on
"Whatever t e n d s to m a k e the
[company'si h e a d q u a r t e r s a t t r a c t i v e to the e m p l o y e e has the
effect to make
1872.
7
[sic] t h e m m ore u s eful,"
P u ll m a n a r g u e d
He m a i n t a i n e d that the city wa s c o n s t r u c t e d
as
r e l a c i o n s wi t h i n the tow n remain on the b u s i n e s s level
e m p loyer
to employee,
venture,
the tow n was ex p ec t e d to ret u rn 6 per c ent
on the original
return,
la n dlord to t e n a n t . 9
investment.
prompt rent payment.
of
As a b u s i n e s s
Hig h rents ensured
and a c o e r c i v e c o l l e c t i o n
in
such
annually
a
procedure g uaranteed
Each wor k er re c ei v ed
two p ay c he c ks ,
o n e for rent w h i c h he si g ne d over to P u l l m a n t o w n ' s bank,
and one for the b a l a n c e due for w a g e s . 10
Thus t h e c o s t s of
u t o p i a and b e a u t y we r e b o r n e by r e s i d e n t s and s u b s i d i z e d by
the ir rents.
To G e o r g e Pullman,
w or k in g p e o p l e p r e c l u d e d
the cultural
ha b i t s of C h i c a g o ' s
good b us i n e s s practice.
temptati ons of urban s oc i e t y —
drinking,
The
idleness,
81
unhealth-fni
living,
performance.
transience —
Th e social
ne ighborhoods,
and moral
however,
them to live in a clean,
pleasant,
healthful,
o rd e r and community,
orderly,
stable,
u p li f ti n g physical
and corruption,
p ro d u c e b et t e r workers.
mechanic",
moral
in whi c h material
uplift
and guided
en v ir onment.
th e cultural
h ab i t s
b e n e f i t s of
s u rr o undings,
Pullman wished to
social
f o rcing
free
an e nv i r o n m e n t which would
to e x clude
CQiTiiTierc i,al m o t i v e s and
moral
by i m posing upon
P u l l m a n C i t y of f er e d the material
from d is o rd e r
projecc
e vi l s of wo rk i ng c la s s
aittempt to c h a n g e and control
of workers,
class of
-fostered poor work
could b e e ra d i c a t e d
w or k e r s h i s n o t i o n s of social
A direct
all
"baneful
"attract t h e best
influences,,"
goa l s o l andsd
and to
into a u topian
b e n e f i c e n c e p r o v i d e d the oas i s for
working
class t h ou g ht
and be h av i or
toward P u l l m a n ' s d es i r e d ends.
In one sense,
the social
Pu llman Cit y was an att e mp t to resi s t
r e a l i t y of i ndu'-..ri al i zat i on by r ec r e a t i n g
between e m p l o y e r
hierarchical
and em p l o y e e t h e stable,
social
r e l a t i o n s of
the p a t t e r n of a n t e b e l l u m model
Lowell,
M as s ac h u s e t t s ,
orphanages,
which,
paternal,
an ea r l i e r
age.
It f o ll o w e d
f a ct o r y town s such
along with asylums,
as
schools,
p r i s o n s and reformatori es served as c o m m u n i t i e s
p r o vi d in g o r d e r . control
.and super'vi si on „ Such
were de s ig n ed t o c o nt a i n the fir st
d i s r u p t i v e social
fo r c e s of urb an
i n s t it u ti o ns
i n d i c a t i o n s of the
and industrial
s o c i e t y . 12
82
W h i le Pull m an sought to r e c r e a t e the past on o n e hand,
the o ther his city a n t i c i p a t e d
the w e l f a r e work
on
and o ther
p a t e r n a l i s t i c r e f o r m s of the e ar l y t wentieth century.
Pull ma n e m p l o y e d a r t i s t s and e ng i n e e r s to design
town with sewers,
paving,
and greenery,
a e st h et i c with the useful.
brick,
c om b i n i n g
the
C o n s t r u c t e d e n ti r el y of red
t he town was laid out in a 1/2 by 2 m i l e grid
L ake C a lu m et and t h e
Illin o is Central
tracks.
o f f i c e s of t h e P ul l ma n P a l a c e Car Company,
t o w n , incl u de d a foundry,
lumberyard,
gas works,
eux i1i arv bui l d i n g s
a
wheel
S h o p s and
set at one end of
manufactory,
bric ky a rd ,
wood and m a c hi n e shops,
tool
and a 190 foot water tower,
to the car rnanu :■as t u n ng shops.
between
in
shop,
addition
The thirty- acre oar shop
area was clomi na ted by a main constructi on shop and o f f i c e
building,
r ose to
700 feet
long,
the c e n te r offi c e s e c t i o n of
140 feet a b o ve its two w i ngs and house d
which
a large
1 ighted clock,
The town of P u ll m an co n s i s t e d of park,
and comm e rc i al
areas.
B o r d e r i n g Lake Calumet,
r e s id e nt i al ,
t h e park
o f f e re d s p a c i o u s greens,
seati n g areas,
t e n n i s courts.
b r i d g e led to an island
F rom it
sport s f i e l d s and
on which
were s i t u at e d a l a v is h ly c o n s t r u c t e d b o a t h o u s e a nd r a c e
t r ac k s which d o u b l e d as skat i ng r inks in winter.
The A r c a d e h o u se d the main commercial
a ctivities.
A block
c o n t a i n e d shops,
long and 90 feet tall,
theatre,
kindergarten,
and
c om m u n i t y
this b u i l di n g
library,
meeting
83
rooms and a sec o nd flo or
l ibrar y 's f ive rooms,
well dressed,
fifth,
o b s e r v a t i o n gallery.
Four of
the
c l e a r l y intended for the clean and
we r e r i c h l y u p h o l s t e r e d and decorated.
th e a u s t e r e l y f u r n i s h e d Men ' s Re ad i ng Room,
had
s e p ar a te o u t s i d e e n t r a n c e al l o w i n g w or k er s to enter
p assing t h r o u g h th e m o r e r i c h l y ap p oi n te d library.
opinion of Re v e r e n d W.H.
Carwardi ne,
Th e
a
w it h o u t
In t h e
Pu l lm a n t o w n ' s
Metho d is t minister,
t h e l ib r ar y ap p ea r ed too l u x u r i o u s to
the a v e r a g e worker,
creating
"a spirit of c a s t e in t h e
little t o w n ."
T h e li b r a r y wa s d es i g n e d to p ro m o t e t he c o m m u n i t y ' s
moral
and
i n tel 1 sctuaii
development.
Onlv 31 per cent
of
its
pool's wa r e f i o ci o n . t h e r em a i n d e r being d ev o t e d to w h a t
the
librarian term ed moi-e se r i o u s education.
paid an annual
fee of $3.00,
work for an o r d i n a r y
i n t i mi d at i on of
under
200.
equal
laborer,
L i k e the library,
separ at e d t h o s e w h o p a i d 35,
to a day and a h a l f ' s
and this,
its lux u ri o us n es s ,
Librsiry p a t r o n s
co up l ed
kept annual
of Pullman,
a casino,
membership
the richly a p po i n t e d t h e a t r e
50,
and 75 cen t s a s eat f r o m
those who oc c u p i e d the b o x e s in the balcony.
other p ub l i c b u i l d i n g s
with t h e
The t ow n's
i nc l ud e d a free school
and a stable.
The latter
for c h i l d r e n
ho u s e d bot h
the t o w n ' s work and t h e w e a l t h y c i t i z e n ' s p l e a s u r e horses.
c a r ri a ge and h o r s e coul d be ren t ed for $3.00 a day for
excursions.
T he F l o r e n c e Hotel,
a huge,
two story,
elaborately
A
84
c on s t r u c t e d
and d e c o r a t e d
"gingerbread"
r o o ms f r om $ 3 . 0 0 t o $ 4 . 0 0 a day.
building,
The hotel
rented
o f f er e d 75 cent
m e a ls in its r e s t a u r a n t and co n t a i n e d banquet r o o m s to let
for w e d d i n g s and parties.
bar,
The hotel
hous ed P u l l m a n ' s only
c l e a r l y in t e n d e d by its loca t io n and a p p o i n t m e n t s for
m a n a g e m e n t only.
One w o r k e r r e po r te d that he "looked but
d a red not enter P u l l m a n ' s hotel
an i nt e r v i e w p u b l i s h e d
S e p te m be r 9,
1882,
in the
with
its p r i v a t e b a r . "13 In
O t t a w a Dai.l_y F re e P r e s s
G e o r g e Pullman
on
explained:
We a l l o w n o liquor in the city; now take
strong d r ink a way f ro m men who have been
a c c u st o me d to it, and not furnish s o me t hi n g to
fill the gap is all wrong - t here is a want
felt,, a v a c u u m created and it must be tilled; to
do this we n av e provi ded a theatre, a r e a din g
r o o m , billi ard room, and all sorts o 1 cutdoo r
sports, and by t h i s means our p e o pl e soon forget
ail about drink, t he y find they are better off
w itho u t it, and we have an a s s u r a n c e of our work
being done with grea te r a c cu r ac y and s k i l l . 14
City p l a nn e rs also
Hall,
which
loca te d g r o c e r i e s and s h ops in Market
like the A r c a d e p r o v id e d ar eas for soci ali z ati on
and relaxation.
P u ll m an C i t y had a total
a vera g e rent in P u l l m a n
of
1799 d w e l l i n g units.
w a s $ 1 3 . 5 0 per month,
The
approximately
20 to 25 p e r c en t h i gh e r t han in n e i g h b o r i n g K e ns i n g t o n or
R o s e d a l e . 15
M a n y f a m i l i e s sublet to individual
o rder to survive.
b etwe e n rental
bo a r d e r s
in
A l t h o u g h Pullm a n d e nied any conn e ct i on
and employment,
went to town r e s i d e n t s . 16
S t a t es S t r i k e C o m m i s s i o n
job p r e f e r e n c e in s l ack times
W o r k e r s te s t i f i e d to t h e United
in
1894 that Pullman
c omoelled
85
w o r k e r s to r e s i d e in t own when space w a s a v a i l a b l e . 17
W orke r r e s i d e n c e a r e a s w e r e situ a te d on paved,
streets arranged
in a g r i d ir o n p at t er n an d con st r uc t ed with
rows of identical
brick.
t w o - t o - f i v e f a m il y d w e l l i n g s b uilt of red
T h e se a d j o in e d
l ik e b u i ld i ng s on each side,
n a r r o w s t r i p s of f ront
in back.
All
and c e r t a i n l y
with
lawn and n a r r o w l o t s of open grou n d
f a m i l i e s in the ten em e nt
w h ic h w a s b a r e l y
land s ca p ed
share d the back
lot,
large e no u gh to a c c o m o d a t e a c l o t h e s l i n e
i n s u f f i c i e n t for a garden.
Lowe s t r ents w er e
in t e n e m e n t s which
let for eight to n i n e do l l a r s per month.
Each
a c o o k i n g stove,
ap a r t m e n t had
water tap and
that
floor.
shared
T e nem ent
gas lighting,
a watercl oset with
sink and
other apai-tmen ts on
a p a r t m e n t s housed both
carbuiiders.
S k i l l e d w o r k e r s usua ll y r e s i d e d
c o m fo rtable,
s i n g l e family,
laborers s,nd
in the more
five room h o u s e s which o ccupied
s ep a r a t e p l o t s of g r o u n d and rente d for $ 15 to $25 per
month.
H o u s e s of P u l l m a n ' s comp a ny officers,
m e r c h a n t s and
p r o f e s s i o n a l s w e r e i n d i v i d u a l l y c o n s t r u c t e d with
bordering
larger,
on t h e w i d e F l o r e n c e Boulevard.
t h e s e had up to
12 rooms,
lawns
C o n si d er a bl y
and r e n t e d for up to $ 7 5
per month.
Pullman
demonstration
a d v e r t i s e d his model
t o w n as a public
of h i s n o t i o n s of e c on o mi c e f f i c i e n c y and
social
control.
press,
and other b u s i n e s s m e n to view t h e plant site,
town,
He e n c o u r a g e d visitors,
travellers,
and its w o r k e r s t o s ee how a c o m p a n y could
the
the
86
simultaneously promote
its own in t e r e s t s and tho s e of
its
e m p l o y e e s . 18
"The b u i l d i n g of Pullman,"
r ep o r t e d to t h e press,
of a new era for
a co m p a n y o fficial
"is very likely to be t he b e g i n n i n g
l a b o r . "19
The physical
and social
a r r a n g e m e n t of t he town was designed to support and
e n c o u r a g e t he e s t a b l i s h m e n t
of an obedient,
moral
community
by p r o v i d i n g
a c l o s e l y monitored,
which w or k er
i n t e r a c t i o n took place in an a t m o s p h e r e fr e e
from liquor and what
i nfluences".
, ma ki n g
The ideal
"ha b it s of
w or k er s punctual , mannerly,
of superiors,
u p l i f t e d . 20
in
P ullman c o n s id e re d to be "bad
The c i t v wa s de s igned to p r o d u c e
r ssp set ab i 1 i ty
respactful
centralized setting
moral,
saving,
educated,
and
worker went d i r e c t l y home f r o m work
and spent h is ti m e and m o n e y on his f a m i l y r at h er t h a n
saloon.
D uring t he strike,
v i o l e n c e or d e s t r u c t i o n
Pullman wr o t e to a f r i e n d
at a
that no
of pr op e rt y o cc u r r e d at P u l l m a n city
b e c a u s e of th e c o m p a n y ' s having pro v id e d
"v arious s o u r c e s of
e l e v a t i o n of c h a r a c t e r ."21
The town
order,
p r o m o t e d and,
efficiency,
wh e r e it could,
and discipline,
enforced
in part thr o ug h
the
v i s i b l e examipl e of i t s o r d e r l y layout and c o n s t ru c ti o n,
in pa r t t h ro u g h
families.
its d a i l y d ea l i n g s with w o rk e r s and their
Ge o r g e P u l l m a n
c on f us i on , "
and
reported
"simply can n ot end u re li tt e r and
the N ew York Wgrl.d ; "the love of order
is th e k ey n o t e to a gre a t s y s t e m . "22
Rev e re n d
Carwardi n e of
87
Fui 1 m a n ’s M e t h o d is t Church found,
however,
that
"the
m o n o t o n y and r e g u l a r i t y of the b u i l d i n g s gi v e s o n e the
im pr ession that he is living
Social
in s o l d i e r s ’ b a r r a c k s . "23
g o a l s de t e r m i n e d P u ll m a n C i t y ’s physical
town w a s in te n de d to sha p e a t t i t u d e s as well
r e s i d e n t s ’ needs,
of hierarc hi c al
leisure,
setting.
as meet its
and it p r o v i d e d w o r k e r s with visual
class differences
in income,
The
models
housing,
and r e c r e a t i o n .24
P u l l m a n ’s labor i d e o l o g y wa s e x p r es s ed in implicit
and e x plicit
town:
in the
t h e c o m p a n y ’s i n t e r e s t s and th o se of its wo r k e r s were
the same,
order
m e s s a g e s to w o r k e r s w ho lived and worked
and the c omo any was c o m p et ent to a scertain both:
and h i e r a r c h y were of pri/ne i m o o r tance:
stay in their pr o p e r place:
and c o n t r o ll e d
or give
the c om p a n y ri g h t f u l l y watched
w h e r e it could.
un io n s in town and f o rb a d e
speeches.
Federal
wor hers should
P ul l m a n did not a ll o w labor
labor o r g a n i z e r s t o hold me et i ng s
S t r i k e C o m m i s s i o n e r s later
as se s se d the s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h e sy st e m at P ullman City:
T h e c o n d i t i o n s c r e a t e d at P ullman enable
th e m a n a g e m e n t at all t i m e s to assert with great
v ig o r its a ssumed ri g ht to fix w a ge s and r en t s
absolutely, and to r e p r e s s that sort of
i n d e p e n d e n c e which l ea d s to labor o r g a n i z a t i o n s
and their a t t e m p t s at mediation, arbitration,
strikes, e t c . 25
C ommand
amd a d m i n i s t r a t i v e pro b le m s as well
as
e m p l o y e e c r i t i c i s m s po i nt e d to the d i f f i c u l t y involved
e f f e ct i ng at P u ll m an what
engineering.
in
l e ad e r s of the age c a ll e d social
W or k e r s c harged that no red r es s or gr ie v an c e
88
sy stem existed to deal
with
in e q u i t i e s in the shops,
e sp e c i a l l y the gradual
r e d u c t i o n of pi e c e w o r k r a te s o v e r the
five y e ars p r e v io u s to t he strike.
they could get no j u s t i c e , "
"They had c om e to feel
char ge d Carwardine.
T he p a r s o n
noted that Compa n y s p i e s p r a c t i c e d a s y s te m of s u r v e i l l a n c e
and espionage,
and that t he p r e s id e nt r e c e iv e d w e e k l y
r e p o r t s con c er n in g w o r k m e n ' s a t t i t u d e s and c o n v e r sa t io n s.
He
cited i n s t a nc e s w h ere w o r k e r s had r e b e ll e d against P u l l m a n ' s
"absolutism"
and left t h e C o m p a n y ' s empl o y r a t he r than
e n d ur e it. C a r w a r d i n e o b s e r v e d of P u l l m a n ’s authority:
it s e e m s to me that i m p er i al i sm on the
part of a g e n t l e m a n so powerful in infl uen ce as
Mr. Pullman is u n p l e a s a n t to say the least, and
capable of p r o d u c i n g harm whether intentional or
not toward t h o se in a u th ori ty under hi m. 26
Char ge s that Mr.
voting
P u ll m an
in the p re s i d e n t i a l
an August
influenced his e mp loyees'
camp ai g n of
1892 were r e p o r t e d
1894 a r ti c le in Am e r i c a n i n d u s t r i e s
p u b l ic a ti o n of the Nati o na l
G e or g e Pullman.
, the
A s s o ci a ti o n of M a n u fa c tu r er s .
T his arti cl e r e p r i n t e d part of a July
the N e w York H e rald
in
10,
1983 i n t e r v i e w in
b e t w e e n t h e n e w s p a p e r ' s edito r and
In t h i s
interview,
and disgust over the e l e c t i o n
Pull m an ex p r e s s e d a n ger
of Grover Cleveland,
whose
p o l i c i e s P u l l m a n c o n s i d e r e d di r e c t l y r e s p o n s i b l e for t h e
P anic of
1983.
Pull ma n
retu rn e d a R e p u bl i ca n
c l a i m e d that Pullm a n town u s u a l l y
m a j o r i t y of 2,000 to 2 5 ,0 0 0 votes .
had c o n f i d e n t l y e xp e c t e d th e same for Benjamin H a r r i s o n
1982 and had fough t a g a i n s t C l ev e l a n d ' s election
"with
He
in
all
89
my powe r"
including
t he deliv e ry of a w a r ni n g
e m p l o y e e s late in t h e campaign.
In t h i s speech,
stat e d that he did not wish to “unduly"
workers'
votes,
speech to his
Pullm a n
i n f l u e n c e his
and t h at he hoped t h at no w o r k e r would
rega rd his s p e e c h
as an
"attempt to c o e r c e y o u into voting
any w ay a g a i n s t y o u r c o n v i c t i o n s . "27 However,
Pull m an
attested,
t h i s is a busi ne s s campaign. If
C l e v e l a n d is e l e c t e d it means an end to the
p r o t e c t i v e t a r i f f . . . a n d the b ig g es t f inancial
d i sa s te r w h i c h t h is coun t ry has ever seen. If
C l e v e l a n d is e l e c t e d busi n es s in t h is c o u n t r y
will c o m e t o a standstill. Pull ma n will h a v e to
shut d o w n or to run along on half pay. In other
words, t h e cold fact is just this: That anv man
in P u l l m a n w ho vo tes the D e mo cra tic t i c k e t is
simpl y v o t i n g b read and butter out of hi s mouth
and out of t he m ou ths of his w i fe and children.
If you w a nt to do that go ahead and do it. But I
appeal to y o u not to commit such a f o l l y . 23
Reprinted
up t h e w o r k i n g m e n
Hera l d
received
editor,
in Ch i c a g o newspapers,
of Ch i c a g o and,
A m e r ican
stirred
in the o p i n i o n of the
c o n t r i b u t e d to the u n e x p e c t e d
in t h a t city.
more i m p o l i t i c
t h is speech
v o t e Cleveland
Indu st r ie s r e p o r t e d
s p e e c h could hard l y h a v e been
that
"a
d e l i v e r e d " and
that t h e C h i c a g o R e p u b l i c a n party o r g a n i s a t i o n had tried
unsuccessfully
to c o un t er a ct
its "boomerang e f f e c t . "
ad m i t t e d s u r p r i s e when Pullman town r e t u r n e d
more t h a n 2 , 0 0 0 v o t e s for Cleveland.
s im p ly c r a z y , " he fumed.
a m a j o r i t y of
"The w o r k i n g m e n
were
Claiming that he had d o ne as much
for labor as any man alive,
in a v i n d i c t i v e fury.
Pullman
he felt b e t ra y ed
"I made up my mind,"
and
lashed out
he told the
90
editor,
"that that was the last of my s y mp a th y for the
w o r k i n g m a n ." He decid e d that h e w o u ld cut w a g es s i n c e h i s
e m p l o y e e s had voted
my inte r es t s, "
"against t heir
own i n t e re s ts and agai n st
and w e r e no long e r w orth caring for.
let us see how they like it,"
"Now,
P u l l m a n said.
W o r k e r s t h e m s e l v e s c o m p l a i n e d that the C o m p a n y
i n t e rf e re d with their pol it i ca l
activities.
In addition,
t hey c h a r g e d that t he P u ll m an bank col le c te d o v e r d u e b i ll s
and rent and that the c o m pa n y g u a r a n t e e d full
re q u i r i n g w o r k e r s to live in town.
In addition,
that the c o m p a n y p r a c t i c a l l y r e f u s e d
The c o m p a n y hired
Cri t i c i s m had
n o
accident
they c h a rg e d
l i a b i l i t y . 29
"s p otters" to spy on the t o w n ’s residents.
official
channels
e xp r e s s i o n r e m a in e d difficult.
and its unofficial
"Owing to the p e c u l i a r i t y of
the p a t e r n a l i s t i c go v e r n m e n t of Pullman,"
concluded,
o c c u p a n c y by
Ca r w a r d i n e
"no one f ee l s l i ke o p e n l y c ri t i c i s i n g the
C o m p a n y . “30
When w a g e cuts occurred,
P u l l m a n ’s w o rk e rs
r e s o r t e d to u nion organi zati o n , a r g ui n g that t h er e w a s no
other w ay to get the c o m p a n y t o talk to t h e m except t h ro u gh
orgai n z a t i o n .
In the d e c a d e of t h e
1380s,
f a v o r e d t h e Pull m an expe r im e nt .
t h e p r e ss larg el y
T h e main c r i t i c i s m ce n t e r e d
arou n d the question of p a t e r n a l i s m . 31
national
airing
Richard E l y . 32
in an
1885
T his issue re c e i v e d
a
H a r g e r ^ s M o n t hl y a r ti c le by
An a s s i s t a n t p r o f e s s o r of e c o n om i cs at J ohns
Ho p k i n s University,
E l y r e j e c t e d the
"dogmatic a s s u m p t i o n s
91
of classical
po litical
from a C h r i st i an and
economy,"
and c ri ticized P u l l ma n Town
" s c i e n t i f i c " standpoint.
He p r a i se d the
use of s c i e n ti f ic p r i n c i p l e s to p r o v i d e a rational
se tting with s ub s tantial
m a t e ri a l
benefits.
social
He a p pr o ve d of
P u l l m a n ’s g o a ls of r e a p p o r t i o n i n g w e alth and pro vi d in g the
individual
wo rker
Pu llman town
concluded,
a s h a r e in t h e b e n e f i t s of civilization.
"is social
e x p e r i m e n t a t o n of a vast
s c a l e , " he
"and this is its s i g n i f i c a n c e . " And it worked,
Ely maintained,
to t he e x t e n t that t h e "wholesome,
cheerful
s u r ro u nd i ng s e n a b l e t h e men to work more c o ns t a n t l y and more
e f f i c i e n t 1y ."33 Yet,
Elv c o n d e m n e d t he ex p eriment for
c reating a d e p e n d e n c e and paternali sm which subv ert ed the
w o r k m e n ’s personal
libe rty and
i nd 1 vi ual i srn. He cited
con d it i on s which p r od u ce d i n i s effect,
c o m p a n y ’s e x e r c i s e of an all
t o w n ’s design and physical
in its m o n o t o n y and
pervading,
setting,
" me c hanical
in p a r ti c ul a r the
absol u te power.
The
to Ely,
was d i st r es s in g
regularity"
which suggested
"machine m a d e , " and r e i n f o r c e d r e g u l a r habits among the
residents.
Company,
The city e x i s t e d
w h e re
"every m u n i ci p al
p r i v a t e c o r p o r a t i o n . "34
royal
as an extension of the Pullman
act
He likened P u l l m a n ’s a u t h o r i t y to
a b s o l u t i s m in w h ic h
" t he c i ti z en is su r r o u n d e d by
c onst a nt r e s t r a i n t and r e s t ri c ti o n,
for him,
as the
is here the act of a
and e v erything
is done
noth in g by h i m . "35 Not o n ly were s t r i k e s rega rd e d
"chief of social
i ni ti ti ve,
s i n s ,"
Ely observed,
but
"individual
even in a f f a i r s w h i c h conce r n the r e s id e nt s
92
alone,
i s r e p r es s ed . "
He c o n c l u d e d that the e x e r c i s e of such
p ower re s u l t e d in a " d e p e n d e n t , s e r v il e popu l at i on . "
P u l l m a n ' s ex p e r i m e n t
" d e si r es the hap p in e ss of t h e people,
but in such a w a y as shall
l l jL
p l e a s e the a u t h o r i t i e s . "36
Ibe S t r i k e and Boycott
The g r e a t i nc r e a s e in o rg a n i z a t i o n of botn o w n e r s
and wo r k m e n
in t h e r a i l r o a d
ind us t ry during the last quarter
of the n in e t e e n t h c e n t u r y m a d e t h e 1894 strik e a test
b e t w ee n capital
and
1894,
and labor.
B e t we e n the great s t r i k e s of
Managers'
furnished
r a il roa d
organization
c en t e r i n g
1877
the r a i l r o a d s e x p e r i e n c e d s e venteen y e a r s of
s t r u g g l e with t h e i r labor farces.
General
case
Association
The f ormation of the
on a national
leade rs ivit'n the most powerful
in t h e U n i t ed States.
or t e r m i n a t i n g
$2,108,552,617
b asi s
Composed
in Chicago,
in capital,
of $ 1 0 2 , 7 1 0 , 9 1 7 a n d control
in 1336
employers'
of 23 r a i l r o a d s
it r e p re s en t ed
5 2 , 0 3 8 stockholders,
net e a r n i n g s
of 2 2 1 , 09 7 employees.
The
A s s o c i a t i o n r ec e i v e d d ue s f r o m membe r s for the p u r p o s e
recruiting strikebreakers during
m a i n t a i n i n g b la c klists,
of
labor disturbances,
d e f l e c t i n g emp l oy e e gr i evances,
and
fixing among its m e m b e r s s t a n d a r d i z e d r a tes for s e r v i c e and
w a g e s . 37
I nv e st i g a t o r s of t h e U n it e d State s S t r i k e C o m m i s s i o n
r e p o r t e d that,
b e c a u s e it r e p r e s e n t e d an illegal
o r g a n i z a t i o n to fix rates,
t h e General
Managers'
Association
is an i l l u s t r a t i o n of the pers i st e nt and
s h r e w d l y d e v i s e d p l a n s of c o r p or a ti o ns to
o v e r r e a c h t h e i r li m i t a t i o n s and to u s u rp
i n d i r e c t l y p o w e r s and right s not c o n t e m p l a t e d in
t h e i r c h a r t e r s and not o b t a i n a b l e f r o m t h e
p e o p l e or t h e i r legislators. An e x t e n s i o n of
t h i s a s s o c i a t i o n . ..and the p r o po s ed l e ga l i z a t i o n
of "pooling" w o u l d result in an a g g r e g a t i o n of
p o we r and c a p it a l d a n g e r o u s to t h e p e o p l e and
th eir l i b e r t i e s a s well as to e m p l o y e e s and
th eir r i g h t s . 3 8
A m e r i c a n R a i l w a y Union m e m b e r s had n o such
corresponding
power;
give or wit h ho l d.
t h e y had only t heir c o l l e c t i v e labor to
Before
1893,
r a i l r o a d l abor organizations,
r e p r e s e n t e d m a i n l y by t h e c o n s e r v a t i v e r a i l r o a d
bro t he r ho o ds ,
l a c ke d
central
f u n c t i o n e d a,s c r a f t unions,
ra i l r o a d s t h r o u g h
was an official
o b s er v ed
which secur e d c o n t r a c t s with the
c o l l e c t i v e bargaining.
W hi l e E u g e n e Debs
in t h e B r oth erh ood of L o c o m o t i v e F i r e m e n , he
that r a i l r o a d
o w ne r s s u c c e s s f u l l y e x p l o i t e d the
b ro the rhood's rivalries,
to work
c o n t r o l . The b r o t h e r h o o d s
r el u c t a n c e to act,
and will i ng n es s
as s t r i k e b r e a k e r s against one another.
S t a t e s S t r i k e C o m m i s s i o n noted that until
organized,
t h ei r
e m p l o y e e s never
The United
the railroads
a t t e mp t ed a general
union
of r a i l r o a d w o r k i n g m e n .39
The A m e r i c a n
1893.
It r e p r e s e n t e d
R a i l w a y Union f ormed at C h i c a g o in
t h e only attempt to u n i t e all
labor in a n a t i o n w i d e
the b ro t he r h o o d s '
industrial
self
the r a p id c o n c e n t r a t i o n
Ea rly s u c c e s s
union d e s i g n e d to t ranscend
interest and p r o t e c t
of railroad capital
in t h e G r ea t Northern R a i lr o ad
bo osted A RU m e m b e r s h i p
to
railroad
l abor against
a nd m a n a g e m e n t .
S t r i k e of
150,000 by s pr i ng of
1894,
1933
out of
94
a p p r o x i m a t e l y 3 5 0 , 0 0 0 r a ilroad w o r k e r s n at i onally.
This
c o m p a r e s t o a c o m b i n e d railroad b r o t h e r h o o d m e m b e rs h ip of
140,000,
an AF of L m e m be r sh i p of 5 0 0 , 0 0 0 and a K nights of
Labor m e m b e r s h i p of
150,000.40
The d e p r e s s i o n
most U.S.
in d u s t r i e s
of
1893 br o u g h t w a g e re d u c t i o n s in
and railroads.
W a g e r e d u c t i o n s began at
Pu ll m an
in A ugust an d t he C ompany r e d u c e d
4500 t o
1100 b et w e e n
e m p l o y me n t
level
sa la r y had
been r e d u c e d b y 28 per cent.
r e d u c t i o n s and
r e d u ct ion
R es e n t m e n t
winter
of
had
July and N o v e m b e r .
rea c he d 3100,
layoffs,
in rents
and
its w o r k f or c e f r o m
By April,
1894,
the
t he a v e r a g e m onthly
D e s p i t e wage
t h e C o mpany o f f e r e d no c o r r e s p o n d i n o
did not redu ce s a l a r i e s of officials.
among w o r k e r s grew as t h e y s u f f e r e d during the
1293.
w o r k e r s formed
In March and April
ARU
locals.
of
1894,
Pul 1 m a n 's
By May 7, a workers'
c o m m i t te e
asked P u l l m a n ' s V i c e P r esident T ho m a s W i c k e s for either a
r eturn to t h e June,
On May
10,
1 3 93 wage sc a le or a r e d u c t i o n
in rent.
the C o m p a n y fired t hr e e of th e c o mm i t t e e m e n
d e s p i t e G e o r g e P u l l m a n ' s a s s u r an c es that th e ir jobs were
secure.
T h e next day most of th e w o r k f o r c e st r uc k and
P ul l ma n c l o s e d the plant.
The str i ke c o n t i n u e d pe a c e f u l l y
for over a month with P u llman re fu s in g t o g i v e in to pubic
p r e s s u r e for n e g o t i a t i o n or arbitration.
In an a t m o s p h e r e of st r ik e s and v i o l e n c e as s oc i at e d
with t h e de p re ssion,
R a i l w a y Union met
t h e national
c o n v e n t i o n of the Am e ri c an
in C h i c a g o and c o n s i d e r e d th e Pullman
95
w o r k e r ' s case.
On J un e 21,
1984,
the A R U v o t e d to boycott
Pu llman c ars a ft e r the 26th if Pullman r e f u s e d to a r b i t ra t e
his workers'
gri e va n ce s .
The Pullman c o m p a n y
again refused
a r b i tr a ti o n and t u r n e d
the
matter over to t h e
General
Managers'
The
nationwide boycott
b egan June 26.
A s s o ci a ti o n.
ARU P r e s i d e n t E u g e n e D e bs t h r ea t en e d a gener a l
rail
strike
if t he r o a d s a t t e m p t e d to r e p l a c e t he b o y c o t t e r s. The
General
Managers'
A s s o c i a t i o n met on t h e 29th
to upho ld t h e P u l l m a n C o m p a n y ' s stand a g ai n st
to move Pu l l m a n cars,
ARU.
It a nn o u n c e d
and to "act u n i te d ly "
its employees,
t o c rush the
that no striking worker w ou l d ever secure
wor I: on the road w h o s e emplo v he f o r f a i t e d . 41
began
and resolved
on the 26th,
The boycott
and by the end of June almost 25,0 00 rail
w o r k er s had s e v e r e l y r e st r i c t e d the n a t i o n ' s rail
and all
but
i s o l at e d Chicago.
o f f i c i a l s and lost
m ovement
V i o l en c e and s a b o t a g e alarmed
for
the
strikers t he p r e s s
s y m p a t h y they
had in most of C h i c a g o
and
the nation.
a b o un d ed and
many p e op l e f e a re d general
insurrection.
L a r g e g r ou p s of
s t r i k e r s and s t r i k e s y m p a t h i s e r s a s sembled
Island yard,
Rumors
at the Rock
f o r c i n g t h e railroad to ask for protection.
On J u n e 28,
U.S.
a p po i nt e d E d w i n W a l k e r
Attorned General
as special
U.S.
and i n s tr u ct e d h im to break the strike.
Ri c h a r d O l ney
A t t o r n e y in C h i c ag o
On J u n e 30,
the
M a n a g e r s g a in e d f ro m O l n e y the right to i m port pr i v a t e
detectives,
and to d e p u t i z e a p r iv a te army of
for rail owners'
u s e in t he strike.
U.S.
T h ey r ec ruited,
marshals
armed,
96
paid,
and d i r e c t e d t h i s army during t h e strike.
and pa r a l y z e A R U leadership,
To isolate
Walker o b t a i n e d from the
C ircu i t Court of C h i c a g o b l a nk e t i n j u n c t i o n s effective July
2. A l th o ug h th e ARU of f e r e d special
c r e w s t o move mail
trains,
c a r s to regu l ar trains
the r a i l r o a d s a t t a ch e d mail
which a l so c a r r i e d P u l l m a n cars.
S i n c e t h e injunction
f o r b a d e the U n i on t o o b s t ru c t the m o v e m e n t of mail,
t a ctic f u r n i s h e d t h e federal
intervene.
T h e feder a l
this
g ov e r n m e n t w i t h a reason to
injunction a l s o p r oh i b i t e d Union
o f f i c i a l s f r om s e n d i n g t e l e g r a m s or c o m m u n i c a t i n g with each
other or with
s trikers.
"The result,"
redu ce our i n c l u e n c e to n o t h i n g . "42
similar
injunctions
On July 2,
p a s sa g e of mail
Altgeld,
W al k er
aid
in turn,
states under
a g a i n s t t h e pr o t e s t s of
an e n t i r e federal
military
"was to
courts issued
the strike.
i n j u n c t i o n s could be
Ql ney agreed and
I l l in o is Governor
garri s on e n t e r e d
guar di n g trains,
intervention
resulted
Debs,
informed Q l ne y that neither the
from t h e Regular Army.
began c l ea r in g tracks,
Federal
13 other
Federal
t r a i n s nor t h e court
enf o rc e d w i t h o u t
on 3 July,
in
c h a r ge d
Chic ag o and
and resisting mobs.
i n creased mob viol e nc e which,
in t h e en l ar g e m e n t
of t he federal
garrison
and t h e c a l l in g out of t he s t a t e militia.
John Egan,
a c t in g manager of the General
Association announced
Managers
that t he r a i l r o a d s w er e no longer
p arty to the d i s p u t e which now invo lv e d o n l y the ARU and the
federal
g ov e rnment.
T h e Ma n a g e r s held t h at t he strike arose
97
from t h e r a il r oa d s'
u n w i l l i n g n e s s to t o l e r a t e th e ARU's
at te m pt to d i c t a t e to
to t h e s tr i k e
ar bi t ration.
them.
On July 5,
D e b s p r o m i s e d an end
in r e t u r n for P u l l m a n ’s a g r e e i n g
10,
On Ju l y
the Ch i c a g o C i r c u i t
to
Cour t
issued an
ar r es t w a r r a n t for D e b s and th r e e oth e r AR U l e a d e r s for
di so b e y i n g t h e cour t
to Samuel Go m pe r s,
general
injunction.
D e b s appealed
P r e s i d e n t of the AF of L t o d e cl a re a
n a t i o n w i d e s t r i k e in support
boycott.
12,
On J ul y
of t h e r a p i d l y failing
G o m p e r s d e c l a r e d that his u n i o n w o u l d
a sympathetic
neither join
s t r i k e nor support the ARU bo y cott.
s t r i k e r s to r e t u r n to work.
leaders ’
.-.era j a i l e d
for
On Julv
17,
He advised
D e b s and ARU
a w e e k . Thes e e ve n t s
and the refusal
of the r o a d s t o r e e m p l o y active union m e m b e r s eff ec t i v e l v
killed the s t r i k e and
cr i pp l ed the ARU.
by the m i d d l e of J u l y
and most tr o o p s w e r e w i t h d r a w n by Jul y
19.
la
On
July,
its shops.
wo rk e r s
and
Pullman
By A u g u s t
559
Mob
v i o l e n c e abated
an n ou n ce d th e r e s u m p t i o n of work in
24, 1984,
it had e m p l o y e d
1773
former
n e w ones.
It'S Issues
During t h e c o u r s e of the strike,
Pullman
and the
General
M a n a g e r s A s s o c i a t i o n p u b l i c l y m o u n t e d an ideological
a ssault
which p r o m o t e d
Their
their
a s se s s m e n t of t h e situation.
s t r o n g e s t a s s e r t i o n s held that
had the right
to control
it,
b)
a)
their
o w n e r s of property
i n t e r e s t w a s guided
by t h e p r i n c i p l e of s a f e g u a r d i n g capital,
wer e tied at c e r t a i n
p o i n t s by e c on o m i c
and c)
law.
their hands
Together,
these
98
assumptions c ons tituted
a basic r e f e r e n c e point f r o m w hich
other a r g u m e n t s and p r a c t i c e s flowed.
In a P u l l m a n
, J u n e 26,
1894,
C o m p a n y stat e me n t
Vice President
in t h e C h i c a g o H erald
T h o m as W i c k e s h eld
that the
main i s su e in the s t r i k e w a s P u l l m a n ' s and the r a i l r o a d s ’
right to g o v er n t h e m s e l v e s . 43
c h a rg e d Pullman,
The A m e ri c an R a i l w a y Union,
" s e ek s to d i c t a t e to the r a i l w a y s y s t e m s of
t h i s c o u n t r y what c a r s t he y shall
u s e . "44
In d e f e n d i n g to
the S t r i k e C o m m i s s i o n t h e c o m p a n y ' s refusal
to arbitrate,
W i c k e s r e i t e r a t e d t h e s am e contention:
T h e r e w a s a p r i n c i p l e i n v o l v e d ...that
the c o m o a n v felt in justice to itself it was
bo und to ma intain; that was the control of its
own business. If the comp any had allowed its
e m p l o y e e s to d i c t a t e upon what t erms it s h oul d
do its busi n es s .. , the putting out of its own
power the contr o l of its bu s i n e s s w ould have
been a v e r y s e r i o u s m a tter for years to c o m e . 45
To the P u l l m a n c ompany,
t h e right of control
e m p l o y e e s sh ould h a v e no v o i c e in "dictating"
into n e g o t i a t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g wages,
rents,
m eant
that
or e n t e r i n g
or work
condi ti ons.
Strike Commissioners'
Pullman's
q ue s t i o n s r a ised t he
l o y a l t i e s and d u t i e s to his employees,
i ss u e of
suggesting
that a p r o f i t a b l e c o m p a n y such as h is should h av e b o r n e s ome
losses,
shar e d
depression.
vehemently
some profits,
and c a r r ie d w o r k e r s t h r o u g h the
This p r o m p t e d t w o responses.
insi s te d
that his
C o m p a n y s t o c kh o ld e rs .
First,
Pullman
loyalty b e l o ng e d e x c l u s i v e l y to
T h o s e who inve st e d in s t o c ks y e a rs
99
ago,
he maintained,
had been prud en t
surplus.
Thus,
m ad e w i s e decisions.
The c o m p a n y itself
in c r e a t i n g p r o f i t s and a cc u mu l a t i n g a
just b e c a u s e t h e c o m p a n y
"ha pp e ne d to be
p r o s p e r o u s , " Pull ma n s aw no r e a s o n w h y he should take
p r o f i t s r i g h t f u l l y b e l o n g i n g t o t he 4 , 2 0 0 s h a r e h o l d e r s and
turn t he m over to the P u l l m a n workers.
"The P u l l m a n c o m p a n y
d i v i d e s its p r of i ts with the p e o p l e w h o own t h e pro p er t y, "
P u ll m an attested.
P a y in g p r o f i t s to w o r k e r s w o ul d be givin g
t h e m a "contribution,"
which w o ul d r e d u c e their self
r e s p e c t .46
O w n e rs h ip of p r o p e r t v
l i k e wi s e carried with
licen se for control
over renters.
at t emp ts to control
town r e s i d e n t s by citing
effects.
For example,
land to commercial
Pullman justif ied his
he m a i n t a i n e d
"baneful
p u r p o s e to e x c l u d e . "47
its beneficial
that his refusal
i n t e r e s t s or individual
the i n t r o du c ti o n of
it a
to sell
workers prevented
e l e m e n t s which it was the chief
Likewise,
he refused to rent
p r o p e r t y for any p u r p o s e th e c o m p a n y deemed unsavory.
P u l l ma n claimed
"very s a t i s f a c t o r y s uccess"
u n d e s i r a b l e elements:
in e x c l u d i n g
"there are no s a l o o n s in Pullman;
t h e r e are no b r o t h e l s or o t he r o b j e c t i o n a b l e houses;
p l ac e s of r e s o r t ."48
Pullman
h i s p a t e r n a l i s t i c control
s a w the be n eficial
n o such
r e s u l t s of
in v i s i t s to em p l o y e e s homes,
I had o c c a si o n to do o f t e n " , and f r om t heir a p p e a r a n c e
the streets.
lived
"as
in
He e s ti m at e d that e m p l o y e e s and their f a m i l i e s
"about 40 percent b e tt e r than p e o p l e in o r d i n a r y
100
m a n u f a c t u r i n g t o w n s . ..that did not h a ve th e ad v an t ag e s of
c l e a n l i n e s s and o r d e r and the e l i m i n a t i o n of bad
i n f l u e n c e s . "49
He c o n l u d e d that
"the general
ex p re s si o n of
p e o p l e wa s in t h e d i r e c t i o n of a hig h er c l a s s . "50
The amount
of de ba t e and c o n t r o v e r s y over wages
g e n e r a t e d during t h e s t r i k e pla c ed that
f o r e f r o n t of the ide o lo g ic a l
the General
f ac t or
Managers,
struggle.
i de n tified
in cost ac co u nt i ng ,
or d e m a n d s for h ig h wages,
i s su e at the
Pullman,
su pp o rt e d by
labor c o s t s as the el a s t i c
blamed the s t r i k e on high w a g e s
and saw w a g e r e d u c t i o n s as e as i l y
the most J u s t i f i a b l e m ethod of cost c u t t i n g
in hard times.
The C h i c a g o p r e s s raised the is s u e of wage cuts
which prompted
Pul 1 man to include
in his public
sta tement
of
14 Ju l y a d i s c u s s i o n of t he fa c to r s w h i c h de te r mi n ed wage
rates.
During t h e depression,
he declared,
the company
o pe r a t e d at a loss in order to share w i t h w o r k e r s the co st s
of hard ti me s by p r o v i d i n g
work,
even
at re d uc e d wages.
R e a l i z i n g that the d e p r e s s i o n would mean
small
c o n t r a c t s f r o m hard pressed railroads,
hi s managers:
estimates,
"Our b i d s will
s om e help
Pullman told
be based on th e lowest p o s s i b l e
e l i m i n a t i n g t h e guestion of pr o fi t and the
in te r es t on investment,
and if the w o r k m e n will
contribute
in the w a y of ac c epting some re d u c t i o n of
w a g e s . . . w e can h o p e to keep r u n n i n g . "51
wages,
only scattered,
Pullman
argued,
c o n t r a c t e d after s p r i n g
Even th e reduced
did not per m it a shop p rofit on work
of
1394.
For hi s part
in meeting the
101
economic crisis,
P u l l m a n c o n t r ib u te d a " b u s i n e s s loss",
although m a n a g e m e n t
s a l a r i e s were not reduced,
and he
expected the w o r k e r s to "work a little h a rd e r"
and be
"willing to do t h e i r
the shop.
work at a less price"
They s h o u l d
t h e m s e l v e s over h a r d
p r e s s . 52
r a t he r than close
"show proper a p p r e c i a t i o n by helping
t i m e s , " Pullm a n a n n o u n c e d to the
In the a b s e n c e of any i n f o rm a ti o n t o the c o n t r a r y ,
company o f f i c e r s a s s u m e d that wage r e d u c t i o n s w er e
"acceptable to t h e e m p l o y e e s under the c i r c u m s t a n c e s . "53
The wage question,
Commission,
W i c k e s t estified to t h e S t r ik e
"is s e t t l e d by the law of s u p p l y and demand.
were oblig ed to r e d u c e wages...in
other peop le in t h e
thing.
order to c o m p e t e with
that w e r e doing
same business,
I supp o se t h e w ag e s we were paying
the same w a g e s t h e y
w e r e paying."
the comp a ny posi t io n :
We
the same
w e re p ra c t i c a l l y
Wickes f u r t h e r defended
“we go into the m a r k e t for men,
just
as we go into the m a r k e t for anything el s e . . . . " T o pay more
than the law of t h e m a r k et allowed,
m o n e y . "54
was t o g iv e a "gift of
If high w a g e s kept c os t s too l a rg e to rema in
competitive,
the p l a n t
must close.
inexorable,"
he i n s i s t e d . 55
"The e c o n o m i c
P r e s s e d b y t h e commissioners,
P u l l m a n a d m i t t e d that
op erating at a l o s s w a s cheaper than s h u t t i n g
Co n s i d e r a t i o n s of
overhead,
law is
down entirely.
a v o i d i n g costs arisi n g f r o m f ixed
s h ut t in g down t he plant,
w o r k f or c e also i n f l u e n c e d
and s c a t t e r i n g
the
the decis i on to o p e r a t e the plant
1 02
at a l o s s . 56
T h e S t r i k e Co m mission -found that the company
kept the p l an t r u n n i n g
m a i n l y for its own b e n ef i t a s a
m a n uf a c t u r e r , t ha t its plant m i g ht not rust,
that its c o m p e t i t o r s might not i n v a d e its
ter ri t or y , that it might keep its c a rs in
repair, t h a t it m ight be r e ad y for r e s u m p t i o n
w hen b u s i n e s s r e v i v e d with a live p la n t and
c o m p e t e n t help, and that its r e v e n u e f r o m its
t e n e m e n t s m i gh t c o n t i n u e - 57
A l t h o u g h the P u ll m an company i n s i s t e d that fixed
econ om i c l aw s g o v e r n e d
its practices,
o f f i c i a l s used other
f a c t or s t o d e t e r m i n e d a i l y p iece rate p ayments.
avowed the
" p r i nc i pl e "
The company
that a da y's w a g e s h o u l d be a
" r e a so n ab l e w ag e for ten hours at that p a r t i c u l a r
com pe t en t
workmaui, not an expert."
e xpe r ie n ce "
worker
the a mo u nt of work a "faithful,
could p e r f o r m
in one day,
r ate s y s t e m to p e n a l i z e
p ayment of
Asc er t ai n i ng
"by
competent"
the c o m p a n y used
"less ind us t ri o us "
a;or 1: for a
its piece
w o r k e r s with
"less than t he r e a s on a bl e d a y ' s w a g e . " Likewise,
t h e p iece r a t e s y s t e m r e w ar d ed the "expe r t and more
i ndu s tr i ou s "
with t h e
and s k i l l . "58
energy
T h e c o m p a n y a u t o m a t i c a l l y a d j u s t e d piece
r a t e s d o w n w a r d when
undeserving
"just bene f it of h is su p e r i o r
" experience"
d i s c o v e r e d t h at the
r e g u l a r l y m a d e an " u n r e a s o n a b l e d a y ' s wage."
P i e ce r a te s n e ver n e e d e d downwa.rd a d j u s t m e n t b e c a u s e the
most c o m pe t en t w o r k m e n
o f f i c i a l s ex p lained,
were maki n g e x c e s s i v e wages,
Pullman
for such wo r k e r s limit e d t h e i r output
on a p ie c e
" e x c e s s i v e l y priced" so as not to a t tr a ct company
attention.
D e s p i t e c o m p a n y a d he r en c e to what
it termed
103
e co n o m i c
law,
W i c k e s tes t if i ed that shop f or e me n could
f urther cut p i e c e w o r k r a t e s arbitrarily.
average wage reduction
April
1894,
of
He c l a i m e d an
19 per cent b etween April
1893 and
but t h e S t r i k e C o mm ission found w a g e s r e d u c e d an
a v e r a g e of 25 per c e n t . 59
company abandoned
its
During th e depression,
"principle"
da y ' s wa g e and d e c i d e d
the
of p aying a r e a s o n a b l e
upon piece r a t e s based on th e going
r a t e in t he s ho p s of ot he r
i nd u s t r i e s . 60
N o t w i t h s t a n d i n g t h e workers'
original
co m p l a i n t that
they we r e s q u e e z e d b e t w e e n reduced w a g e s and fi x ed rents,
c o m p a n y o f f i c e r s ne v er
maintained
considered r e du c i n g rents.
that t he two issues were separata,
P ullman
that
none of
tne wage r e d u c t i o n s he mad e as an e mployer could he
con s i d e r e d
in his fixi ng rents as a landlord.
e m p l o y e e ho u si n g
Ow n e r s h i p of
had pr o vi d ed the c o mp a ny with a g u a ra n te e d
market for its rental
m o n t h l y a lmost half
b u s i n e s s and with a means t o recoup
th e mo ne y paid to wor k er s in salary.
Si n c e the t w o p a y c h e c k
was s a t i s f ie d first,
sys t em g u a r a n te e d that the rent due
ma n y wo rkers w e r e left d ur i ng the
d ep r e s s i o n with a s ec o nd check of o n l y a f e w cents.
lesson
was that th e ir e m ployer con s id e re d
i m p o r t an t than an y other obligations.
The
rents mo r e
To th e company,
l eg i t i m a t e b u s i n e s s p r a c t i c e required that e m p l o y e r s hire
labor as c h e a p l y as th e market all o we d and that
landlords
keep r e n t s p r o f i t a b l e r e g a r d l e s s of what wa g e s t e n a n t s
received.
In b u s i n e s s depressions,
t h e C o m p a n y maintai n ed .
104
good b u s i ne s s m e t h o d s p r e sc r ib e d t a ki n g a d v a n t a g e of
c o n d i t i o n s to r e d u c e w a g e s i r r e s p e c t i v e of r en t conditions.
The c o m pa n y d e f e n d e d
itself
by c l a i m i n g b o th the legal
right
and t he power t o o p e r a t e with such p r o c e d u r e s . 61
Although
the original
rental
fixed at a rate t o r e t u r n six perc e nt on
i nv e stment,
after t a x e s and repairs,
p r o fi t s w e r e never more than 4.5 per
reac h ed only 3 .8 per cent in 1893.
high,
as w o r k e r s charged,
t e s t i fi e d that rental
Although
the time of the strike.
it,
with rental
i n c o me
low.
the rent and b r i n g i n g
work ers owed
and
R e n ts c o u l d not be too
income was so low in fact
was no room for r e d u c i n g
froiTi it. "62
cent,
actual
Pullman
"that there
any income
670,, 000 in back rent by
Pul 1 ms,n had not a tt e m p t e d
to collect
i ntending to r e c o up back r en t s by the two p aycheck
method
when good t i m e s returned.
P u l l m a n ' s in s i s t e n c e on b u s i n e s s control
g o ve r ne d his refus a l
strikers'
to treat with the U nion
g r i e va n ce s .
a r b i tr a ti o n on J u n e
r e p r é s e n t â t ! ve of t h e strikers.
was any proper
r e fu s ed to cons i de r
it
Wickes informed a w o r k er s ’
"that we did not c o n s i d e r that there
s u b j e c t for arbi trati o n ."63
that it would be
or arb it r at e
The ARU c o m m i t t e e r e q u e s t e d
15 but Pullm a n
c o m mi t te e the n e x t d a y
of property
" b us i ne s s folly"
P u l l m a n stated
to o p e r a t e th e s hops at a
loss just b e c a u s e it hap p en e d to be t he o p i n i o n of a third
party that he do s o . 64
The a m o u n t of
loss did not d e t e r m i n e h is view toward
105
arbitration,
P u ll m an declared,
but rath er th e
"p r inciple
i nv olved," the p r i n c i p l e that
such m a t t e r s
by the company,
to a t hird party. M a tt e rs
opinion,
not s ubmitted
he conceded,
w e r e proper s u b j e c t s
but not "whether a fact that
n o t . " Such t r u t h s
s h o u l d be decided
of
for arbitration,
I know to be t r u e
is t ru e or
"could not be m a de o t h e r w i s e b y the
o pinion of any t h ir d p a r t y . "65
In a p r e s s
w a rn e d the p u b li c of the d an g er s of
s t a t e m e n t he
arbitration:
The p u b l i c shoul d not permi t t h e real
question w h ic h has been b e f o r e it to be
obscured. That question was as to t h e
p o s s i b i l i t y of the c r ea t io n and d u r a t i o n of a
d i c ta t o r s h i p which could m ak e all the
i n d u s t r i e s . ..and the d a il y c o m fo r t of m i l l i o n s
d ependent upon them, h o s t a g e s for the g r ant ing
of any fan tas tic whim of such a d ictator. Any
s ubm i ss i on t o him would have been a long step in
that d i r e c t i o n . 6o
On 22 June,
an AR U c o m m i t t e e met w it h W i c k e s and
asked him to n o t i f y the P u l lm a n c o mp a ny that,
a g reed to arbitration,
b egin
in four days.
a boyc ot t a g a i n s t P u l l m a n
c ar s would
W i c ke s repli e d that t h e c o m p a n y would
a c k n o w l e d g e no c o m m u n i c a t i o n
from t h e AR U on t h e subject.
When the ARU p u b l i c l y ann ou n ce d the boycott,
d enounced
u n l e s s it
its a c ti o n in t h e C h i c a g o Herald
P u ll m an
on J u n e 26.
G e o r g e P u l l m a n ' s t h in k in g on the q u e s t i o n
a r b i t r a t i o n c o i n c i d e d with that of the r a i l r o a d
A sked by a S t r i k e C o m m i s s i o n e r
he had not,
the
but that he had held a "casual
[Chicago]
owners.
if he had a t t e n d e d
m eet i ng s of r a i l r o a d o f f i ce r s or t h e GMA,
club with some r a i l r o a d men"
of
any of the
h e a d m i t t e d that
conversation
in
w h o s e ooinion on
106
a r b i t ra t io n
"agreed wit h my own." L i ke Pullman,
p r e s i d e n t s of th e Lake Shore and the E as t e r n
c o n s i d er e d the q ue stion of a r b it r at i on
p r o p o s i t i o n . "67
that
control
Illinois
"an absurd
After th e boy c ot t began,
q u e s t i o n s of ar b it r at i on
the
P u ll m a n
insisted
"are now e n t i r e l y under the
of the r a i l w a y companies,
and could not be
i n f l u e n c e d . . .by the P u ll m a n c om p a n y in any w a y . " The GMA,
for its part,
un it e dl y "
announced
that its m e m b e r s w o u l d
to resist t h e b oy c o t t . 68
On July 3, C h i c a g o Mayor
l-'ui 1man
"act
C o m p a n y ’s m anager
could not deal
lawbreakers,
John P.
of the need for
H o p k i n s ad v is e d the
"settling the
wich the strikers b e ca u s e they were
not
law abiding c i t i z e n s . 69
On Jul y 6,
a
c o m m i t t e e co m po s ed of ARU o f f i ci a ls and C h i c a g o city
a ld e rm e n r e q u es t ed of Mr.
John Egan,
that t he GMA meet with them.
acting G M A m a n a g e r ,
He refused.
Two da y s later,
thait s a m e c o m m i t t e e c a l l e d at the Pu l l m a n C o m p a n y o ff i c e to
airrange- for the a p p oi n tm e nt of a board to
question
not."
"ar b it r at e the
as to whe t he r there was an y th i n g to a r b i t r a t e or
T h e c o m m i t t e e ' s pu rpose wa s
"not to a r b i t r a t e the
d i f f e r e n c e s be tween the Pullman c o m p a n y and
its employees,
buc to see whether t h e r e were any d i f f e r e n c e s . " The c o m p a n y
again r e b u f f e d the committee,
refusal
to arb i t r a t e .70
reiterating
its earlier public
In r e s po n se to this last overture,
W ickes t h r ea t en e d to m o ve the P u ll m a n
fa c t o r y to New Jersey.
107
On J ul y
13,
C h i c a g o May o r
delivered a communication
o f f i c i a l s to E v er e t t
Roc k
St.
John P. H o p k i n s p e r s o n a l l y
f r o m E u g e n e Deb s and other ARU
John,
P r e s i d e n t of the Chicago,
Island and P a c i f i c and C h a i r m a n of the GMA,
i nf o rm e d Mayor
H o p k i n s that t h e As s oc i a t i o n
receive c ommunication
respect
f rom th e union,
for the Mayor,
a n o t e fro m John Egan,
m a n a g e r s had
t e r m s of their
s ta t in g that the
in the most p o s i t i v e
Egan ar.Ex.jered that any par ty
a t ta c ke d r a i l w a y companies,
as did t h e ARU,
T h e next mo rn i ng H o p k i n s
r e c e i v e no c o m m u n i cat ion w ha tever from
f oun d the ARU n o t e offensive,
that
but that out of
of the GMA,
" ex p re s se d t h e m s e l v e s
t e r m s that t he y will
did not wish to
he wou ld d e l i v e r the m e ss a ge
p e r s o n a l l y to m e m b e r s of that body.
received
who
d i sp l a y e d
s u rr e nd e r. "
and found itself
“whipped",
" c o n s i d e r a b l e cheek to d i c t a t e the
Egan e x p l a i n e d that the General
M a n a g e r s r e b u f f e d t h e ARU off e r b e c a u s e their e m p l o y m e n t of
stri k e b r e a k e r s had be at e n the un i on and se ttled the
s t r i k e . 72
breaking
E gan a d m i t t e d that the G M A ' s o b j e c t i v e of
the s t r i k e r eq u i r e d
that
it refuse arbitration:
C o m m i s s i o n e r Wright. Wa s t h e r e no time y ou cared
to n e g o t i a t e ?
Ans.
Mo,
I don't think so.
C o m m i s s i o n e r Wright. W a s it or not the po l ic y of
t h e managers' a s s o c i a t i o n at all times
d ur i ng the p e n d e n c y of thi s d i ff i c u l t y
to crush the s t r i k e as a matter o f
poli Cy?
108
Ans.
They c o n s i d e r e d it n e c e s s a r y to c r us h the
strike; yes, sir.
During t h e strike,
of stri ki n g workers,
ac c e p t e d workers'
and after
11 as
r a i l r o a d s o u r s ue d
over t h e ir ARU card s .7 3
strikers
a nn o u n c e d
When the
work m en only
Most
an equal 1v f i rm oolicy.
M a n a q e r 5 As s oci ati on
c o m mi t te e s
"former e m p l o y e e s . "
t h e C o m p a n y signed up former
when t h e y hand e d
their
The Pullman C o m p a n y did not
the men on the workers'
who vi s ited him after M a y
co ns i d e r e d
t h e y refused or
s t r i k e r s to remain e m p l o y e e s w h il e on
W i ck e s r e g a r d e d
s hops reopened,
the strike,
r e e mp l oy m en t .
r e c o g n i z e t h e r i gh t of
strike.
e m p l oy e rs d e t e r m i n e d the status
of the
T he General
puoliclv on J u n e 50 that
"as e m p l o y e s
it
[sic] who h a v e resigned
p o s i t i o n s and w h o are not anxious for w o r k . "74
Illinois Central
Superintendant
that he e n d e a v o r e d by
Albert S u l l i v a n repo rt e d
"ever y effort" to i n du c e wo r k e r s to
"see t h e erro rs of t h e i r
ways"
and return to work
the o p p o r t u n i t y for o b t a i n i n g r ee m p l o y m e n t
t h e m . "75
"before
was lost to
He g av e an u l t i m a t u m to the 3 , 5 99 Illi no i s Central
w o rk e rs to retu r n to work or lose their jobs,
deadline.
A l t h o u g h r a i l r o a d s m a i nt a in e d that
be re e m p l o v e d
wi t h o u t g iv i ng
up the ARU,
most
and he set a
s t r i k e r s could
s triking
workers
quit the U ni o n b e f o r e b eing rehired.
An
Central
worker s t a t e d that the bl acklist a g a i n s t
Illinois
ARU leaders
was so e f f e c t i v e that t h e y did not attempt r e i n s t a t e m e n t ,76
D ebs and o ther
ARU o f f i c i a l s p e r c e i v e d that crushing
109
t he ARU was the object of the federal
D e b s ch ar g ed that A t t o r n e y General
S h e r m a n Antitrust
T he st r i k e r a i s e d th e question of the
c r e a t i o n of a p r i v a t e ar my of
General
dep u ti z ed U.S.
m a r s h a l s under
w h o s e m e m b e r s acted at once as po l i c e and
as ra i lr o ad employees,
p r i v a t e ends.
Ql n ey planned to use
l e g i s l at i on t o break up every labor u n i c
in the c o u n t r y . 78
e m p l o y e r control
government as w e l l . 77
exercising
federal
Al t ho u g h A t t o r n e y General
Nelson Miles,
au t ho r it y for
Qlney o rdered
c o m m a n d e r of the U.S.
C h i c a g o to protect the mail
and
keep order,
troops,
to
both the Regular
A r m y and the d eputy m a r s h a l s cl ea r ed tracks and ran trains.
Upon his ari'ival
with
the rail
in Chicago,,
owner s.
General
Miles re por ted d irectly
The f o l l o w i n g clay, ne w spapers
quoted
h i m as saying that he had b ro k e n the back of the s t r i k e . 79
The important
t ow a r d
strike.
issue of
r a ilroad e m p l o y e r s ’ at ti t ud e s
labor o r g a n i z a t i o n s and a c t i v i t i e s arose du r in g the
In g e n e r a l , the o w n e r s did not believe in l a b o r ’s
r ig h t to or g an i z e to p r ot e c t
its interests.
a c k n o w l e d g e d union p r e s e n c e o n l y when
interests,
They
it served their
tol e ra t in g the r a i l r o a d b r o t he r ho o ds but moving
to crush an i n d u s t r y - w i d e union.
Al though Debs mai n ta i ne d
that t he AR U did not seek r a i l r o a d o w n e r s ’ r e c o g n i t i o n and
i ns i s t e d that union
r e c o g n i t i o n had no part in the
c o n t r o v e r s y , the GMA q u e s t i o n e d the A R U ’s very e x i s t e n c e . 30
Both
Pullman and the GMA r e f u s e d
to re c ognize or co m m u n i c a t e
110
with t h e ARU.
T h e P u l l m a n Company,
e x p l a i n e d Wickes,
not treat with our m en as m e m b er s of t he A m e r i c a n
"would
Railway
Union,
and we w o u l d not t reat with t h e m as m e m b e r s of any
union.
We t r eat w it h t h e m as indi v id u al s and a s m e n . "81
John E ga n p u b l i c l y r e b u k e d Mayor H o pk i ns for
ARU's
"me ss e ng e r
a c t i n g as the
boy."
A P u l l m a n e m p l o y e e te stified b e f o r e t h e S t r i k e
C o m m i s s i o n that C o m p a n y p o l i c y forbade u n i o n s to t r e s p a s s on
c o m p a n y property,
and t h a t w o rk e rs had t o go o u t s i d e the
c o m p a n y g r o u n d s t o or ganize.
order agai ns t unions,
Even thou gh t h e r e w a s no open
t h e worker explained,
when a men goes to the c o mpa ny for a job
t hey ask
him, "Are you a member of the Am e r i c a n
Ra i iwa v Union? " "Yes sir." "Have you got a
card?" "Yes, sir." "Give us that card." T h e card
is h a nd e d to t h e m and then the ap p l i c a n t signs a
p a per that he will have nothing to do w i t h the
C A R U ] ... for f i v e y e a r s if he w a n ts a p l a c e in
the P u l l m a n s h o p s . 82
A fter t h e b o y c o t t
only on the c o n d i t i o n
m e m b e r s h i p card.
union,"
Pullman
Q.
D on't
Ans.
the c o m p a n y r e h i r e d workers
t h at they surrender t h e i r ARU
"We n e v e r d i s c r i mi n at e d a g a i n s t any labor
said,
A S tr i ke C o m m i s s i o n e r
c o n c e r n i n g the
ended,
"except the Ameri c an R a i l w a y U n i o n ."83
qu e s t i o n e d Vice P r e s i d e n t W i ck e s
r i g h t s of org a ni z ed labor;
y o u t h i n k that the fact that y o u
r e p r e s e n t a vast c o n c e nt r at i on of
c a p i t a l . .. e n t i t l es [the w or k er ! if h e
p l e a s e s to u n i t e with all of the men
of his c r a f t and select the a b l e s t
o n e . . . t o r e p r e s e n t the c a us e ?
As a u n i o n ?
11 i
Commissioner.
Ans.
As a union.
They have the right, yes sir. We h av e the
right to say w h e t h e r we will r e c e i v e
t h e m or not.
Commissioner.
Do y o u think y o u h av e any r i gh t to
r e f u s e to r e c o g n i z e that right in
t r ea t in g with the m e n?
Ans.
Yes,
sir;
Co mmissioner.
if we c h o se to.
If y o u c ho s e to.
Is it your policy
to do t h a t ?
Ans.
A sked
Yes,
sir.
if he t h o ug h t the p r e p o n d e r a n c e of c a p i t a l ’s power
over labor '-las subj ec t to abuse,
W i ck e s answered
marr's p r iv i le g e to go to work s o m e w h e r e
"it is a
else. "34
Exp 1 ai n i ng to the Stri ke Commi s si o n the S N A ’s
refusal
to accep t the A R U ’s note c a r r i e d by Mayor Hopkins,
Ever et t St.
John
stated
r o om for an o r g a n i z a t i o n
that
"in our j u d g m e n t , t here was no
of that
k i n d . "85
The Co m mi s s i o n e r
q u e st i on e d St John furt he r on t h e refusal:
0. Was it b ased on a d e t e r m i n a t i o n not to
r e c o g n i z e any union of all railw a y
e mp l o y e e s ?
Ans.
It mi ght have been upon a d et e rm i n a t i o n
not to r e c o g n i z e this one of all
others.
Q„
Did
[the GMA believe] that an a ss o ciation
of all r a i l w a y e m p l o y e e s would not
be r e c o g n i z e d ?
A.
I think the general f ee l in g was that the
p a r ti e s w h o had b e e n instrumental ... in
d e st r oy i ng our property, d e creasing
our earnings, not pe r m i t t i n g us to
o p e r a t e our trains, sett in g fire to
1 12
our buildings, w er e not wort hy of very
much co n si d e r a t i o n at that time, when
it w a s plai n ly evident to all that
t heir power was l i m i t e d . 86
When
asked p o i n t ed l y by the S t r i k e Commission,
you b e l i e v e in t he p ri n c i p l e of o r g a n i z e d
general ?",
answer:
"The re is no doubt but what organ i ze d
t hey have p a i d d e a r l y for i t . "
not help w o r k e r s
but in many c ases
A labor union,
"to any great e xtent,"
it wa s
"perfectly natural"
for r a i l r o a d s to organize,
for all
and
W hile
Everett
3t.
"perfectly
"where an assault
and the r a i l r o a d managers,
" u n j u s t i f i a b l e and unwarran t ed "
boyco t t
is upon
the ARU itself
con st i tu t ed a national
a gain s t the railroads.
the
amounted to a labor
c o n s p i r a c y a g a i n s t the railr o ad c o m p a n i e s . 89
P u l lm a n
does
to p r o t e c t t h e m s e l v e s ...."88
To P u l l m a n
view,
however,
except prov i di n g
leg i t i m a c y of labor comb i natione,
held that
right"
all,
labor,
labor at t imes
paid j ob s for gri ev a nc e c o m m i t t e e .members.87
denyi ng the
John
labor in
John Egan of the GMA gave a c u r i ou s ly vague
has d o n e good to s o m e clas se s of
well
"Do
"It is my bel i ef , "
In the owners'
c o m b i na t io n
charged G eo r ge
in a s t a t e m e n t relea s ed to t h e p r e ss July
the c o n t r o v e r s y excited,
14,
a t P u l l ma n was merely a move
"that
in the
g r ea t er s c h e m e . . . f o r a s i m u l t a n e o u s and c a us e le s s attack
upon the r a i l w a y s of the c o u n t r y . "90
as Al bert S u l l i v a n of the
R a il r oa d m a n a g e r s such
Illinois Central
pointed out the
"ut t er l y h e l p l e s s conditi o n ... of the railroad to prot e ct
113
i t s e l f " ag a i n s t the i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y
the c o n s p i r a c y to s t o p traffic.
of t h e ARU 's c o n s p i r a t o r i a l
Robinson,
analyzed
Review
ac t i o n s c a m e fro m Har r y P.
in the rail
"modern
labor do c tr i ne "
In August,
1984,
he
in t h e Nor t h American
. The ed i t o r a c c u s e d t h e l a b o r i n g po p ul a t i o n of
t h r o u g h which o r g a n i z e d
first
, t h e m a j o r trade
industry.
c o n s p i r i n g to c a u s e a "general
U.S.
A m o r e v e h e m e n t indict m en t
e d i t o r of R a i l w a y A g e
publication
and a r b i t r a r i n e s s of
g o v e r n m e n t .91
i n du s tr i al
labor sou g ht
T h e ARU,
r eb ellion,"
t_, control
he charged,
th e ent i re
co n st i u t e d the
at t em p t to o r g a n i z e e n o u g h of t h e great mass of
unskillec,
national
p r e v i o u s l y Linorqanized r a i l r o a d
m ovements
in other
industries
who se object was to m o u n t an armed
e ar n i n g
into a
The AR U plan n e d to joi n with parallel
power.
organizec
labor
cla ss ag a i n s t
constituted
in
"one grand army"
i n s u r r e c t i o n of
society."
"the wag e
To the editor,
t h i s r e b e l l i o n n a t u r a l l y be g a n with t h e A R U ’s strike at the
most vital
a rteries.
par t of society,
He cit e d as f u r t h e r e v i d e n c e of the c o n s p i r a c y the
AF of L's t hr e a t
of t h e A R U . 92
that
the n a t i o n ' s commercial
to call
Robinson
labor d i s t u r b a n c e s
outbreaks,"
out all o r g a n i z e d
labor
in su pport
ended the a r t i c l e with the wa r ni n g
in p r e v i o u s y e a r s wer e but
but t h e s t r i k e of
"sporadic
1984 r e p r e s e n t e d
a d e e p - s e a t e d malady, a c a n c e r o u s
growth, w h i c h h a s been d e l i b e r a t e l y p lanted in
the social s y s t e m of the country, and has been
f o s t e r e d t h e r e till it struck roots, which will
not be torn out w it h o u t the r e n d i n g of tis s ue
and the s p i l l i n g of blood. Its ex i s te n c e is a
114
m en a c e to t he n a t i o n . 93
C h a r g e s that the ARU t h r e a t e n e d t h e v e r y ex i sten c e
of U.S.
s o c i e t y w e re echoe d in the s a me N o r t h A m er i ca n
R ev i ew issue by G e ne r al
Nelson M i le s and by W a d e H a m p t o n ,
Un ited S t a t e s C o m m i s s i o n e r of R a i l r o a d s . 94
d e f en d ed P u l l m a n ’s actions,
characterized
a n a r c h i s t i c and r e v o lu t io n ar y ,
power,
condemned
Both men
labor as
it for usur pi n g
and c h a r a c t e r i z e d the s i t u at i on as a n a t i on a l
crisis.
Both M i l e s and H a m p t o n enjo i ne d p a t r i o t i c c i t i z e n s to hope
for t he e s t a b l i s h m e n t of the s up r e m a c y of
the c o n s e q u e n c e s of a general
labor.
When t h i s war
l a w but to fear
con fl i ct b e t w e e n capital
conflict began.
and
M i l e s warned,
i'lsn must take sides either for anarchy,
secret concl ave s, unwri tte n lai'j, m ob violence,
and univ e rs a l c ha o s under the red or w h i t e flag
of s o c i a l i s m on the one hand? or on t h e s i d e of
e s t a b l i s h e d government, the s u p r e m a c y of law,
the m a i n t e n a n c e of good order, un i v e r s a l peace,
a b s o l u t e s e c u r i t y of life and prope r ty , the
r i g h t s of pers o na l liberty, all u n d er t h e s hadow
and f o l ds of 0 1 d G l o ry on t h e o t h e r . 95
D ur i ng t h e strike,
Pullman
and t h e General
p u b l i c l y e x p r e s s e d o p i n i o n s on the general
of the w o rk i ng class.
e motional,
i r r e s p o n s i b l e and ge n e r a l l y i mmoral,
I l l in o is Cent r al
c o n t r a c t ."96
call ed the
n a t u r e of memb e rs
W o r k e r s were e a s i l y i n fl uenced,
when they r e p u d i a t e d what Albert Sullivan,
of t he
Owners
"best men
M a n ag e rs
termed the
"moral
especially
G e ne r al
Mana g er
o b l i g a t i o n of the
d i s ti n gu i sh e d t he w o r k e r s that Pullman
[who] d o n ’t give us a n y t r o u b l e with
u n i o n s or a n y t h i n g else"
from the " i n f er i or men...
the least
115
c o m p e t e n t , that g i ve us t h e t r ou b l e as a general
P ullman n e v e r t h e l e s s added that if t he best men
t h e m s e l v e s to be led by i n co m petent men,
m i s f o r t u n e . "97
individuals,
"allow
is their
Pu l l m a n bel i ev e d that wo r k e r s had r i g h t s as
m a i n l y th e right to quit if di ssatisfied.
they con s pi r ed
lost their
that
t hing."
in groups,
When
w o rk e r s for f ei t ed their rights,
i n d i v i d u a l i t y to the control
of leaders,
and
b ec a me lawbreakers.
S.C.
Wade,
b ec a me a c a pt a i n
a Rock
Island Ra i lr o ad a t t o r n e y who
of the U.S.
mar s ha l s during t h e strike,
b lamed w or k i n g c l a s s di s or d e r on the i n f l u e n c e of liquor.
tasti-i-ied to tna C o m m i s s i o n that ha observed
ware poi nte d out to ma as d angerous
"low-class"
s a l o o n s d uring
p er s on s e nt e r i n g t h e s e establi sh m en t s,
sa lo o ns served
f r e qu ent ing
He kept lists of
for he be li e ve d th a t
as s t r i k e r s ’ headquarters.
taken th e p r e c a u t i o n to cl o se them,
"persons who
strikers"
she strike.
He
Had
city o f f i c i a l s
Wade argued,
the city
would h a v e e s ca p ed d e s t r u c t i o n of p ro p er t y d uring the
s t r i k e . 98
P u l l m a n ’s of ficial
years,
John McLean,
doctor for the p r e v i o u s ten
c h a r a c t e r i z e d P ullman C i t y as a "regular
U t o p i a for w o r k e r s , " but blamed
" e x tensive i n t e m pe r an c e"
"p r of ligate h abits"
on high wages paid
in
1893.
known w o r k e r s who e a r n e d as much as $150 a month.
these en g a g e d
in
"constant
to be t he in d ir e ct ca u s e of
drinking,"
"all
and
H e had
M an y of
which the doctor held
labor tro u bl e s. "
High w a g e s
116
d is c o u r a g e d
personal
d i s c i p l i n e and m a d e ec o n o m i z i n g
di-f-ficult in hard times.
saloon
keepers b e f o r e they paid doctor
alcohol,
bills.
Along with
the a b r u pt c h a n g e f r o m p ro s p e r i t y t o depression,
"pre pa r ed t h e minds"
destructive
of the high l y paid w o r k e r s
"for the
i n f l u e n c e s of t he labor a g i t a t o r s . "99
e a r n i n g small
frugal
M c Le a n grum b le d that w o r k e r s paid
wages,
however,
Workers
disp la y ed more t e m p e r a t e and
habits.
O w n e r s b l a m e d t h e strik e on what t h e y term e d labor
agitators.
Both P u l l m a n
and sp okesmen for t h e General
Ma n a g e r s char ge d t he
"leaders of disorder"
a minor di s p u t e
a m ajor con-f rontati o n . P u llm an claimed
that his model
into
town
w i t h transfor m in g
had produ ced worke rs of n i gh calib re who
were immun e to union
o r g a n i z e r s . 100
m eeti n g with the original
cert a in that in
w o r k e r s ’ c o m mi t te e and agreeing to
c o ns i de r their gr i evances,
d i s p u t e at h is shops.
He felt
he had defus e d t h e w a g e -r e nt
At that point,
the i n t r u s i o n of
o u t s i d e u n ion o f f i c i a l s inte r fe r ed with his e m p l o y e e s ’
ordinary pe rce ptions
interfered,
and unders ta n di n gs .
P u l l m a n b e lieved,
c on v i n c i n g h i s w o r k e r s that
di r e c t i o n of w o r k i n g
wages.
Had t h e un ion not
he would have s u c c e e d e d
"their inte re s ts
in
lay In the
with me," desp i te r e d u c t i o n of shop
Yet in th e e x c i t e m e n t of the ARU m e e t i n g the night of
t h e c o m m i t t e e m e n ’s firing,
w o r k e r s lost their heads and
allo we d t h e m s e l v e s to be influenced by
u n kn o wn to t h e m . " T h e ARU,
" p e rs o ns almost
in P u l l m a n ’s view,
took unfair
117
a d v a n t a g e of w o r k e r s
men had been
laid off
left free f r om o u t s i d e
h av e b ee n no t r o u b l e . "101
t h e s t r i k e on
jobs,
by t h e depression,
John
for
"if our
i n f l ue n ce s t h e r e would
Egan of the GMA a l s o blam ed
"labor a g i t a t o r s . " T he v e ry n a t u r e of their
h e explained,
r e q u i r e s t h e m c o n s t a n t l y to a g i t a t e for
i nc r e a s e d w a g e s and t o c a u s e e m p l o y e r s t r o u b l e . 102
O w n e r s and their
l e a d e r s as
"dirty"
Vice President
and
spokesmen characterized
" v e r m i n - r i d d e n . " In a n s w e r i n g ARU
G e o r ge H o w a r d ' s a c c u s a t i o n that t he General
M a n a g e r s hired men to burn rail
"c o ns i de r in g
t he source,"
Egan c o n s i d e r e d
Hcwar d
made
the
cars,
John Egan r e p l i e d that
c h a r g e was
it on the level
"the v i l es t rot."
of other st at e m e n t s Debs
that
M a n a g e r s agreed with
Railroad
for t h e u n s c r u p u l o u s
l abor
Pullman and the
C o m m i ss i on e r Hamp t on
"no c o n d e m n a t i o n can b e t o o emphatic,
seve r e"
a n d
"to bolster the s p i r i t s of the poor -fellows who
llsicj t h e y had so successful 1 y duped. "103
General
labor
no p u n i s h m e n t too
l e a de r s who d u p e d the
rank and f i l e . 104
In s e a rc h in g for a l o n g t e r m s o lu t io n to t h e p r o b l e m
of a r b i t r a r y strikes,
Central
A l b er t S u l l i v a n
c a ll e d for r e s t r i c t i o n s to p r e v e n t the f o r m a t i o n of
other u n i o n s c a p a b l e of c a u s i n g
o b j e c t i o n to unions,
f i n d in g
similar
"che ck s on the w r o n g f u l
Devastating
damage.
He had no
it e a s y t o deal with
r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the B r o t h e r h o o d s ,
must be
of the I llinois
but he thou gh t there
use of
s t r i k e s such as t h e p r e s e n t
[union! p o w e r . "105
one could h a pp e n
all
118
over again,
he charged,
if th e e as i l y a ro u s e d
labor force
c o n t in u ed to be led by
o r g a n i z a t i o n men w h o can b r i n g ab o ut
such an emotional w a v e that will c a r r y w it h it
the sa m e d e g r e e of ardur and e l i m i n a t e e n t i r e l y
all the e l e m e n t s of con se r va t is m , all the
ob l i g a t i o n s of a g r e e m e n t of contract, all th e
moral o b l i g a t i o n s that ex i st bet w ee n an em p lo y ee
and employer, s i m p l y b e c a u s e t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n s
th e m s e l v e s h a v e no r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . 106
S u l l i v a n ’s so l ut i o n to uni o n a b u s e of po we r re q ui r ed
u n i o n s to a s su m e legal
e n s u r e that they w e re
c o n s e r v a t i s m . "107
its age,
r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for th ei r a c ts to
led only by men of
In ke eping with
the GMA e m p h a s i z e d
m ak i n g their case for union
combinations
compel
labor unions
c o r p o r a t e existence.
i n corporation,
in r e s t r a i n t of trade.
In
t he general
I n c o r p o r a t i o n would
un i o n s to f o r e g o s t r i k e s and b eh a v e respons ib l y,
and mo st
i mportantly,
to
to b e sued in
P u l l m a n ’s s ol u t i o n to u n i o n d i s r u p t i o n s w as s imply
o n e of education:
t he
i deology of
i nter pr etati o n s of u n i o n s as illegal
h on o r their contracts,
court.
other e m p l o y e r
the need to f o r c e
into a more ea s il y c o n t r o l 1able,
iTianagers cited court
" i n t e l l i g e n c e and
t h o s e who wish to be e m p l o y e d m u st re a l i z e
"rule of b u si ness,"
n a m e l y that
"cost of a p i e c e of work
must not e xceed its se l li n g p r i c e . "108
T hr o u g h o u t th e struggle,
P ullman
and th e GMA used
t h e press as a f o r u m in an a t t e m p t to c o n v i n c e t h e p ublic of
t h e r i g h t n e s s of their a c t i o n s and v ie w points.
P ullman
in sisted that th e C o m p a n y can
"do no mo re t h an exp l ai n
its
s i t u a t io n to the p u b l i c . "109
T h e M a n a g e r s i ss u ed public
119
s t a t e m e n t s w h ich cited t h e i mp o r t a n c e of public
un de r s t a n d i n g of t he railroads-'
period of the strike,
position. 110
In the early
the C h i c a g o p re s s and publi c reacted
fa v o r a b l y to t h e p l i g ht of t h e Pull ma n strikers.
th e i n itiation of the boycott,
rail
stoppages,
e s p e c i a l l y a fter t h e i n t e rv e nt i on of t h e army,
But with
and
v i o le n ce
i ncreased and p r e s s and public opin io n swung to the side
a d v oc a ti n g
law and order.
AR U meddled
In the o p in i on of m a n y people,
in t h e Pull ma n C o m p a n y ’s internal
u n f ai r ly a t t ac k ed t h e inno c en t r a i 1 roa d s. I ll
c o n t e m p o r a r v historian,
nei-ispaper in C h i c a g o
W.F.
chargad
that
a
"everv
“'whole colu m ns
and c ir c u l a t e d b r oadcast
In July,
of the strike being call ed off
Personal
B y July,
B u r ns r e p or t ed that
o f ...f a i seho od s w e r e pubi s he d
conduct.
af f a i r s and
accapt the Timaa stood by the
rai 1 r o a d s . " Ha further
through the 1a n d . “ 112
for example,
f a l se reports
g re atly i n t e rf e re d with its
at t a c k s agai ns t Debs c am e f r o m empl o ye r s
wh o atte mp t ed m ake an e x a m p l e of h i m . 113
B u r ns obse rv e d
that the
"simply baffled
recountal
" s l a n d e r s ” dire c te d again s t D e b s
b e ca u se of t heir numb e rs . "
C h i ca g o opinion.
the
As an o b s e r v e r of
Burns des cr i be d p r es s t re a t m e n t
of Debs:
He has been called crazy, drunken,
r ev olutionary, criminal, incompetent. N e w sp a pe r s
have at once decla r ed his c o nd u ct of the strik e
impotent and d e n ou n ce d him for h a v i ng m a d e it so
effective. L abor h a s been e n t r e a t e d to t h r o w him
over as a p u e r i l e leader and capital has been
warned that he is a d a n g e r o u s man b e c a u s e of his
s u r pa s si n g a b i 1 i t y . 114
The sub si d iz e d p r e s s , " Bu rns concluded,
was
"the most
120
d a n g e r o u s ene my of
e f f e c t i v e we a po n
lab or
and,
next to the c o u r t s the most
in t h e han d s of th e r a i l r o a d c o r p o r a t i o n s
in d e s t r o y i n g th e r i g h t s of
labor and d e f e a t i n g
the
stri k e r s . "115
In his t e s t i m o n y be f o r e t h e St r i k e Co m mission,
recognised
the id e ol o g i c a l
acknowledged
nat u re of the s t r u g g l e and
pu b li c a c c e p t a n c e of the o w n e r s ’ p o i n t of view.
In a pr e s s s t a t e m e n t
on Ju l y 6, he cited t h e
"many
m i s l e a d i n g r e p o r t s t h a t h a v e been give n cu r re n c y "
p re s s and c ha r g e d that
the ARU had been
m a l i ci o u s l y m i s r e p r e s e n t e d . "116
wi de l y a cc ept ed
a q i t a t o r s had
c ha r g e
that
c h a r g e that
ind u ce d
in the
" d e l i b e r a t e l y and
He cited the e r r o n e o u s but
labor
le aders and union
P u l l m a n ' s w o rk e r s to strike.
is w ho l l y u n t r u e , "
General
Debs
De b s said.
He f u r t h e r
"The
a ss erted
M i l e s c i r c u l a t e d the fa l s e s t o r y that ninety
p ercent of C h i c a g o ’s c i t i z e n s symp a th i ze d with t h e Pullman
C o m p a n y and t h e r a i 1 r o a d s . 116
a d v a n t a g e of t h i s r e p o r t , "
d is t o r t e d
and the General
of r a i l r o a d
during the strike,
fear.
Debs continued,
"and sp r ea d and
it in or d e r t o d i s c o u r a g e the stri k e r s . "118
As Pul l ma n
protection
"The ra i l w a y m a n a g e r s took
Managers defended
p r o p e r t y and j u s t i f i e d t he i r
t h e y pl a ye d upon pu bl i c
In his p r e s s s t a t e m e n t of Jun e 26,
actions
indignation
and
P u l l m a n deplo r ed
" a n no y an c e to th e p u b l i c by the thr e at s of i r r e s p o n s i b l e
o rganizati ons"
bent on c au s i n g d i sc o m f o r t to rail
121
t r a v e l e r s . 119
Rail
o wners poin te d out t ha t
what ev e r
s t o p p a g e s i n c o n v e n i e n c e d the r a i l r o a d s a l s o
in c o n v e n i e n c e d
t h e p u b l i c and wh a t e v e r v i o l e n c e t h r e a t e n e d
the r a i l r o a d s ’
cont r ol
or d e s t r o y e d property,
endangered
t h e p u bl i c
as helpless
interest.
rail
o w n e r s a r g u e d , in t urn
Owners pictured themselves
in t h e face of u n ion p ow e r a n d t he s t ri k e
s i t u a t i o n as t o t a l l y out of their hands.
that
the obj ect
railroads"
of the boyco t t w as to
c h a r g e s that
p r i v a t e usa
The A s s o c i a t i o n
of force.
town for the future,
" m o d e l " a s p e c t s and control
who d i e d
in 1897.
1900 c o u p l e d
b o o m a re a c a u s e d
i dentity.
i n d i g n a n t l y denied
it f o m en t ed vi o l e n c e to j u s t i f y the owners'
As a model
a f te r
" e m b a r r a s s the
in t h e public eye by i n c o n v e n i e n c i n g t h e
t r a v e l i n g p u b l i c . 120
P ullman,
T h e GMA charged
P u l l m a n city 's
p o l i c i e s did not
T e c h no l og i ca l
with d e m o g r a p h i c
changes
c h a n g e s in the C h i c ag o
t he town to lose its f o r m e r co m m u n i t y
or w e r e occu pi e d by P u l l m a n ' s new unsk il l ed
w o r k f o r c e f r o m s o u t h e r n and e a s te r n Europe.
contained
f if t ee n saloons;
A r cade was unrented.
continuing
by
1918,
t o r e s i s t u n io n s in its plant,
culminating
Thereafter
By
1915,
the
o n e third of the
The Pu l l m a n Comp a ny ,
i n c r e a s i n g u n i o n i s a t i o n and a s u c c e s s i o n
1902,
in ind u st r y
H o u s i n g d e t e r i o r a t e d and m a n y h o m e s and b u i l d i n g s
s t oo d v a c a n t
town
long surv iv e
although
experienced
of s t r i k e s after
in a major u nion b u s t i n g
it r e h i r e d o nly th ose who w o u l d
lockout
in 1904.
"act towa r d the
12:
c o m p an y as i n d i v i d u a l s . "121
■famous as an e x p e r i m e n t
U.S.
A l t ho u gh P u l l m a n t o w n was
in c o r p o r a t e social
engineering,
few
i n d u s t r i e s f ol l o w e d P u l l m a n ’s e x a m p l e of c r ea t in g
company planned
and ow ned residential
areas.
As a d e m o n s t r a t i o n of e m pl o ye r power,
e m p l o y e r s t r i k e b r e a k i n g tactics,
an e x e r c i s e in
and a m e s s a g e to railr o ad
w o r k e r s w ho w o ul d o r g a n i z e and pit a nat io n al
industrial
u nion a g ai n st t h e c o m b i n e d p o we r of r a i l r o a d capital,
s t r i k e and b o y c o t t c o n s t i t u t e d a victory.
its goal
of o u t l a s t i n g
t h e s trikers,
d i s c r e d i t i n g b ot h the le a dership
ARU m e m b e r s h i p
d is a p p e a r e d
d e c lin ed
after
1900.
i'lo national
w o r k e r s ’ union t oo k its place.
large,
a b a n do n ed
Industrial
labor
c r u s h i n g t h e ARU and
and the union
i n d u s t r y - w i d e rail
the formation
Organizati ons in
organization
strikers.
Nor did labor o r g a n i z e on a
i n d u s t r y - w i d e s c a l e until
C o n g r e s s of
The G M A attained
and m e t h o d s of
drastically,
the
1935.
of the
D e b s himself
in favor of d i r ec t
political
a c t i on as a m e t h o d of d e al i ng w i t h t h e c a p i t a l i s t system.
T h e d e m i s e of t h e ARU forced r a i l ro a d w o r k e r s into the AF of
L ’s craft u n i o n
s t r u c t u r e and m o r e c o n s e r v a t i v e
which f a v or e d a r b i t ra t io n .
Samuel
G o m p e r s all a l on g obje c te d
t o t n e m i l i t a n c y of t he ARU and r e fu s ed to call
sympathetic
In
a
s t r i k e in its support.
1894,
the b i t u m i n o u s coal
b oyco t t c o n s t i t u t e d b r o a d l y based,
s t r i ke s
l ea dership
in w h ic h st r i k i n g
s t r i k e and the P u l l ma n
nati on a l
unions g a in e d
s y mp a t h e t i c
suppo r t
from other
123
u n i o n s with n o d i r e c t s t a k e in the o u t c o m e of the strike.
The loss of t he P u l l m a n boycott d e m o n s t r a t e d that the
s tr o n g e s t u nion c o u ld not prevail
c o m b i n a t i o n of o r g a n i z e d capital
and m i l i t a r y force.
unions
a stronger
b a c ke d b y federal
T h e defeat brought
e f f i c a c y of s y m p a t h e t i c strikes.
AF of L,
again s t
judicial
i nt o q uestion the
Under t h e l e adership of the
i n c r e a s i n g l y p r e f e rr e d t o h o n o r con tr a ct s
with e m p l o y e r s r a t h e r t h a n e x p r e s s s o l i d a r i t y with fellow
workers.
A f t er s t r o n g a c t i v i t y in the e a r l y
s y m pa t h e t i c
s t r i k e s d e c l i n e d in n u m b e r . 122
they w e r e m o r e l i m i t e d
in scope,
s a n c t i o n . 123
Sympathetic
consolidation
of w o r k i n g
c lass co n s c i o u s n e s s .
F r o m then on,
and r a r e l y had union
stri kes r e p r e s e n t e d
class opinion
T he defeat
and
a
ccn tri but ed to
in p r a c t i c e of
s y m p a t h e t i c s t r i k e m e a n t also its d e f e at
corresponding
1890s,
a national
in principle,
s o l i d i f i c a t i o n of the owners'
and a
p o in t of view.
The d e m i s e of t he s y m p a t h e t i c s t ri k e w a s a v i c t o r y for
capital.
The v i o l e n c e and d is r u p t i o n a s s o c i a t e d with the
s t ri k e fuel ed
several
grow i ng national
move m en t s.
Newspapers
r e p o r t e d that m a n y r e a d e r s beli e ve d t h e railroads'
P u l l m a n ' s refusal
to a rb i t r a t e e x a c e r b a t e d t h e crisis.
move t o w a r d s t a t e and national
a r b i t r a t i o n and m e d i a t i o n
p olitical
and
l e g i s l a t i o n r e qu i ri n g
grew with p l a t f o r m s of both
parties endorsing
l e g i sl a ti o n r e q u i r i n g
The
a r b it r at i on
in
1896.
rai l ro a d m e d i a t i o n p a s s e d
Federal
in 1898.
But
124
t hi s did not g u a r a n t e e to o rg a ni z ed labor t n e ri g ht to
recognition.
Much of th e b u s i n e s s c o m m u n i t y e x p r es s ed
o u t r a g e when
in
coal
1904,
P r e s i de n t T h eodore R o o s e v e l t
forced
c o mp a n y o w n e r s to a r b i t r a t e with th e u n i o n on strike.
Th e st r i k e was an e x c e r c is e in t a c t i c s pi tt i ng
w ea p o n s of c o l l e c t i v e a ction in the strike,
b o ycott a g ai n st e m p l o y e r power
t h e media,
arbitration,
into
and the rig ht
the ARU,
qu e st i on
In add it i o n
labor's
it s de m an d s for
its need to have free c o m m u n i c a t i o n
its right to union r eco gnition
strike.
and in
the c o u r t s and g o v e r n m e n t . The e f f i c i e n t use of
n ot i o n s of its r i g h t to o r g a n i z e and strike,
agent,
p i c k e t and
in their own plants,
e mp l oy e r stri kebreaki ng t a c t i c s called
strike,
labor
during the
as a b a r ga ini ng
to be considered e m p l o y e e s wh ile on
to the GMA 's refusal
the federal
inj u nc t io n effected
bl ac k ou t and communi cati on crisis between
h e a d q u a r t e r s and the A R U locals.
to c o m m u n i c a t e with
an
i nf o rmation
l e a d e r s at strike
Owners i n v o l v e d
in the
s t r i k e cr e at e d a pub l ic o p in i on a dv e rs e t o t h e s tr iking
workers,
immoral
c h a r g i n g t h e m p u b l i c l y with a r a n g e of unpatriotic,
and h e i n o u s acts.
The s trike d e m o n s t r a t e d to labor
t he q ui c kn e ss wi th which the federal
t o use m i l i t a r y p o w e r
th e u t i l i t y of c o u r t
against
P.
labor d i s t ur b an c es ,
i n j u n c t i o n s as s t r i k e b r e a k i n g
Th es e set p r e c e d e n t s of
that G o vernor John
g o v e r n m e n t w a s willing
interve nt i on and u s e of
A ltgeld
" government by in j un c t i o n . "
and showed
tools.
injunction
and others w e r e to term
125
A qu estion of i deology b e c o m e s a q ue s ti o n of
c o n sc i ou s ne s s.
It is difficult,
impact of t h e events of
however,
to a ss e s s the
1894 on rank and f i l e union members.
V a r i o u s r a i l r o a d e m p l o y e e s t e s t i f i e d to t h e S t r i k e
Commission.
Some,
like Ge o rg e Lovejoy,
Island and Pa c if i c yardmaster,
learned
a Chicago,
m a i n t a i n e d t ha t s tr i k e r s
the i m p o r t a n c e of o r ga n i z a t i o n when t h e y found
t h e m s e l v e d c o n f r o n t e d with th e un i t e d press,
clergy,
j u d i c i a r y and o f f i c e h olders of the n a t i o n . 124
C h a r l e s Naylor,
Chicago,
thrown
Rock
fireman on the P i tt sburg,
Others,
For t Wayne and
t e s t i f i e d that when w o rkers see g o v e r nm e nt
in w ith the corporati ons in any emergency,
begin to lose con-f i d e n c e . " 125
r e a c t i o n s clearly.
ARU
Debs surmised,
"they
"when all
their
the
o r g a n i z e d o r d e r s of s o ciety are aga i ns t a st ri k e, "
n ot h in g
support
leaders ex pre sse d
t h at
like
the r e is
wh ic h can d efend labor in t i m e s of trouble.
Against
l a bor's po w erlessness,
t he c o r p o r a t i o n s are in p erfect
alliance; they have all of the t h i n g s m o n e y can
command, and that means a s u b s i d i z e d press, that
t he y are able to control the n ewspapers, and
m e a n s a false or v i tiated p u bl i c opinion. The
c l e r g y almost st e ad i ly united in t h u n d e r i n g
t he i r denunciations, then the courts, then the
S t a t e militia, then the Federal troops;
e v e r y t h i n g and all t hi n gs on th e s id e of
c o r p o r a t i o n s . 126
The c ou r t s d e feated the strike.
d e s t r oy i ng
p ot e ntial
th e ARU leadership
en o u g h to control
Asked b y a Commissioner,
network.
De b s continued,
The
by
"moneyed power
all this m a c h i n e r y , "
"Do you b el i e v e t h e r e
is
he charged.
is no
126
so lu t io n of any of these t r o u b l e s under the p resent
industrial
c andid
s ystem,"
Debs answered,
c o n v i c t i o n . "127
"No sir;
that
is my
127
ENDNOTES:
Social
C H A PT E R
IV
1
W i l l i a m Tolman,
Engineering
2
U n i te d S t a t e s S t r i k e Commission, Re ggrt on the
C h i c a g o S t r i k e of J u n e ^ J u l y 1894
S e n a t e E xe c u t i v e
D oc u m e n t No. 7, 53rd C o n gr e ss (Washington, D.C.:
G o v e r n m e n t P r i n t i n g Office, 1895), h e r e a f t e r cited
S t r i k e R e p o rt , p. xxi.
3
Samuel Yellen, A m e r i c a n Labor S t r u g g l e s
(New York:
H arcourt, B r ac e and Co., 1936), pp. 30-31.
4
S t a n l e y Buder, P u l l m a n ^ An E x pe r im e nt in Industrial
Qrder and C o m m u n i t y P l an n in g 1 880=1930
(New York: O x f o r d Ijniversity Press, 1967), p. 35.
5
Yellen,
6
B u d e r , P u l lm a n
7
Ibid
8
P u l l m a n ' s testimony, S t r i k e Report
P u l l m a n , pp. 43-44.
, p.
546;
9
P u l l m a n ' s testimony.
, p.
530.
American Labor Struggles
p.
, pp.
(New York
1909).
, p. 39.
32-33.
32.
S t r i k e Report
Buder,
10
Ibid
.
11
Ibid
., p.
12
John Casson, C i y i l i z i n g the Mach i ne ^ I s g h n g l g g y and
R e e u b l i c a n V a l u e s in A m e r i c a 1ZZ6 = 19 0 0
(New York:
G r o s s m a n P u b l is h er s , 1976).
13
Q uo t ed
14
Ibid
15
S t r i k e R eggrt
16
P u l l m a n ' s testimony,
17
S t r i k e R e po r t
13
Buder,
529.
in Buder,
., p.
Pullman
, p.
66.
69.
P ul l ma n
, p.
, p.
, p.
507.
S t r i k e Report
425.
18.
, p.
580.
128
19
Ibid
., p. 61.
20
Buder,
21
P u l l m a n ’s test im o ny ,
22
quoted
23
W i ll i am H. C a r wa r di n e, The P ul l ma n S t r i k e
C h a r l e s H. Kerr and Company, 1894), p.
24
Buder,
25
St r ik e R e p o r t
26
Carwardi n e ’s testimony, ibid
S t r i k e , pp. 49, 51.
27
"Were P u l l m a n ’s Wa g e Re d uc t i o n s P r o t e c t i o n i s t Spite?"
A m e c i G Ê D I n d u s t r i e s , vol. 3, no. 27 ( A u g u s t , 1984),
p . 3.
28
Ibid
30
Carwardine,
31
Buder,
32
Richard T. Ely, "Pullman: A Social Study"
b ë C B Ë C l s Ü S n t h l y , vol. 70 (Feb. 18, 1885),
pp. 452-466.
Pullman
, p. 61.
in Buder,
Pullman
Str i ke Re p or t
Pullman
, p.
582.
, p. 39.
(Chicago:
23.
, p. 70.
, p.
xxiii.
, p.
443;
The Pu ll m an
.
T h e P ul l m a n Strike
Pullman
, p.
, p.
113.
229.
Ibid
., p . 461
34
Ibid
. , p . 460
35
Ibid
. , p. 464
36
Ibid
. , p.
37
St r ik e R ep o r t
38
Ibid
39
Yellen, A m e r i c a n Lab o r St r ug g l e s
B lB Q Ct , p. xxxi.
40
Strike R ep o r t , p. xxiii; or 2 7 5 , 0 0 0 r e p o r t e d in
Yellen, A m e r i c a n Labor S t r u g g l e s , p. 109.
465
. , p . ;;X i
, p.
109;
S tr i k e
129
41
H a r v e y Wish, “The Pullman Strike: A St u dy in
Industrial War-fare"
J o u r n a l o f t he Illinois
S t a t e Historical So ci e ty
vol. 32 (September
1939), p. 293.
42
W.
43
Wickes'
44
Ibid .,
p. 583.
45
I bi d .,
p. 604.
46
F. Burns, The Pu llman B oy c ot t
(St Paul: McGill
P r i n t i n g Company, 1894), p. 234; Debs' testimony
S t r i k e Report , p. 129.
testimony.
S tr i k e R e p o r t
P u l l m a n ' s testimony,
fbid
47
Ibid .,
p. 529.
43
Ibid .,
p. 531.
49
Ibid
D. 562.
51
Wickes'
testimony.
52
P u l l m a n ' s testimony,
53
Wickes' testimony.
54
Ibid
55
W i c k e s ’testimony,
56
P u l l m a n ' s testimony.
57
Ibid
53
W i c k e s ’testimony.
59
Ibid
60
Wickes' testi monv,
61
fbld
62
P u l l m a n ' s testimony,
6:3
., p.
., p .
609;
Ibid
, p.
581.
, p. 554.
. , p. 583.
Ibid
., pp. 557,
Ibid ., p.
Ibid
579.
573.
P u l l m a n ’s te s ti m on y ,
Ibid ., p.
567,
p. 557.
592.
., pp. 566-567.
XXXV.
Ibid ., p.
594.
., p. xxxiii.
., p .
Ibid ., p..
594.
X X X v i .
Wickes' testimony.
D. 583.
I_bld
Ibid
., p.
pp. 364,
590;
579.
P u l l m a n ' s t e stimony
13U
64
Pu l lm a n ' s testimony,
65
ibid
66
Wickes'
67
Pul Imar
68
Wickes’
p.
69
Hopkins
, p.
70
Ibid
.,
71
Ibid
.
72
Egan's
73
Buder,
74
Quoted
). 553,
St ri k e Re gg r t
■n’s testimony,
583.
350.
271.
btriks ysport
/o
B u d e r , Pyilitan . □. 1371 Burns.
Str i k e Repo rt , p.
P - 145;:
77
Debs'
78
Burns,
79
Ibid
80
Egan's
81
Wi ckes'
82
Ibid
83
Pul 1 mai
84
Wi ckes'
, p.
622.
85
St.
i .,
P . so
86
Ibid
87
E ga n ' s
88
St.. Jo!
89
Wi c ke s
S t r i k e Regg rt
, y . 32c.
The E n l l m a n
441.
, p.
176.
■'
571.
.;
Jo!
552.
556.
p.
testimony,
i
., p.
., p.
563
.
D . 231.
Boycott
131
90
Ibid
p.
584.
91
N e l s on A . Miles, W a d e H a m p t o n , H a r r y P. Robinson,
Samuel Gompers, "The L e ss o n of t h e Recent Strikes"
Nocth A m e r i c a n R e v i e w , vol. 159 (August 1984),
PP • 180-206.
92
Ibid .,
93
Ibid
. , P . 201.
94
Ibid
.,
95
Ibid
. , P . 187.
96
S u l l i v a n ' s testimony. S t r i k e R e p o r t ., p. 332;
see a l s o G u s t a v u s Myers, H i s t o r y of the
G r e at A m e r i c a n F o r t u n e s
(Chicago: C.
H.
Kerr, 1911), vol. I for an a c c ou n t of
P u l l m a n ' s a t t em p t duri n g the s t r ik e to
di s c r e d i t stri ke r s as lawless.
97
Pul 1 lïian ■'s testimonv,
98
Wi ckes'
99
McLea n 's test i iTiony, %b^d
P . 198.
P . 180-195.
Ibid
test i m o n y , Ibid
. , p.
o22.
.. p.
291.
, p.
486.
100
P u l l m a n ' s te stimony,
101
Ibid
102
E g a n ’s testimony,
103
Ibid
104
Miles, et. al., "Lesson of t h e R e c e n t Strikes"
pp. 194-195.
., pp.
., p.
563,
I.bid . , p.
563.
532.
I.bid ., p.
273.
282.
105
S u l l i v a n ' s testimony.
106
Ibid
107
ibid ,, pp. 331, 333; see Carrol 1 D„ Wright,
“T h e C h i c a g o Strike"
P u b l i c a t i o n s of the
A m e r i c a n Ec o n o m i c A s s o c i a t i o n , vol. 9,
nos. 5-6, (October, D e c em b er 1894), pp.
103
P u l l m a n ' s testimony,
., p.
S t r i k e Repo rt
., pp.
331,
334.
Ibfd
., p.
582.
336.
132
109
ibi,d
p. 530.
110
W i c k e s ' 5 testimony,
111
Buder, P u l l m a n , p. 135; G e r a l d Egqert, B ëi l CS Ê d
Lab o r Ç L s p u t e s l The B e g i n n i n g s of Federal
S trike Policy
(Ann Arbor: U n i v e r s i t y of
Mi ch i g a n Press, 1967), p. 139.
112
Burns,
113
Ibid
.,
p. 242.
114
Ibid
.,
p. 243.
115
Ibid
.,
p. 317.
116
The Pullman
Quoted
in Burns,
117
Ibid
., p . 85.
IIP
Ibid
,
p.
Boycott
Ibid
Wickes-'
21
Buder,
22
David M o nt gomery,
23
Ibid
24
G e or g e L o v e j o y ' s testimony,
25
C ha r l e s N a y l o r ' s testimony.
26
E u g e n e D e b s ’ testimony,
Pullman
I.bid .,
581.
, pp.
., pp.
20
27
testimony,
Ibid
70,
p.
145,
244.
77.
581.
, p. 213.
W or k er s i
Control , p. 25.
.
Ibid
.
ibid
S t r i k e Reggrt
Ibid
, p.
,p.
169.
113.
, p. 76.
133
CHAPTER V
LABOR
IDEOLOGY
OF T H E N A T I O N A L A S S O C I A T I O N OF M A NU F A C T U R E R S
"We st and not for capital again s t labor,
but for order a g a in s t c h a o s . "
J a m e s W. Van Cleave,
Presi dent
N a t i on a l A ss o ciation
of Man u fa c tu r er s l
National
e m p l o y e r s ’ o r g a n i s a t i o n s first appeared
in
1886 as trade a s s o c i a t i o n s form e d to p r o m o t e common
i nterests in labor m a t t e r s to the end of gua r an t ee i ng
p r o duction at the mini mum cost per unit
of
o rga n iz a ti o n of employers,
meetings,
their
p ub l ication of trade journals,
annual
labor.
The
the
the d i s c u s s i o n of labor
m a tt e rs toget h er r e p r e s e n t e d the first c o n c e r t e d
attempts of
e mp l o y e r s to a s se s s and c o d i f y their t h i n k i n g on the
r e l a ti o ns h ip of capital
and labor.
of t rade a g r e e m e n t s with unions,
att em p te d to coun te r
T h r o u g h the negotiation
trade associations
or r e d u c e t h e p o w er of o rganized labor.
The first t r ad e a g r e em e nt was n eg o t i a t e d
c ontract a c t i v i t y r e ac h ed a peak
Soon afterward,
however,
in 1891 and
in t h e y e ar s
1898-1902.
many of the e a r l y n e g o ti a to r y and
b arg a in i ng e m p l o y e r s ’ a s s o c i a t i o n s d e v e l o p e d a militant,
a nti - un i on s t a nc e as their exper i e nces led t hem to blame the
u n i o n s for s u bv e rt i ng t h e t r a d e ag r eements.
h arde n ed after
1900,
As a t titudes
m a ny of the n a t i o n ’s largest trade
134
a ss ociations eliminated
t h e cl o se d shop or e n ti r e l y
a b o l i s h e d u n i o n s w i th i n
th e i r t r a d e s . 2
Q c g a n i z a t i g n and Policy
T h e e x a m p l e of t h e National
M a n uf a ct u re r s,
employers'
th e NAM,
lab o r
large scale,
is central
As s oc i a t i o n of
to the st u d y of
i d e o l o g y b e c a u s e it best r e p r e s e n t s the
n o n - t r a d e o r g a n i z a t i o n s that j oi n e d the general
as sa u lt on u n i o n s after
1900 and developed
i nto co m b a t i v e
a s s o c i a t i o n s w it h t h e e x p r e s s pu r po s e of fi g ht i ng uni o ns on
the level
opinion.
of
leg i sl a ti o n,
In p u r s u i n g
functioned
litigation,
its majo r
activities,
as th e n a t i o n ' s most
iTioutlipi ece for o r g a n i z e d
pro-capitalist
p r o p a g a n d a and public
the NAM
important and p ro min ent
capital,
generating a
i d e o l o g y and v a r i o u s national
its p r o p ag a ti o n,
and
in d oi n g so,
b ody of id ea s to the d o m i n a n t
p l a t f o r m s for
f u rnishing a si g ni f i c a n t
ideological
u n i v e r s e in U.S.
s o c i e t y in t h i s p e r i o d . 3
B egu n
in
l ar g e l y fro m the
north central
1895,
t h e NAM comprised m a n u f a c t u r e r s
i n d us t ri a l
regions.
c i r c l e s c o u p l e d wit h an
st a t e s of the n o rt h e a s t
and
Its w id e influence in b u s i n e s s
i d e o l o g y resting on e x t r e m e l y bitter
o p p o s i t i o n to u n i o n i s m a n d avowed dedication to
"impress the
w or k in g m a s s e s and e n t i r e b o d y politic with t h e me r i t s
e mb o d i e d
in its p r i n c i p l e s "
f o r m i d a b l e p r o p a g a n d a force.
c o mb i ne d to render t h e NA M a
Asso c ia t io n
influence,
strength
135
and financial
structure.
powe r res t ed upon
the n a t i o n ’s industrial
Its m e m b e r s h i p r e p r e s e n t e d t h e i n f l u e n c e and
power of m a n u f a c t u r i n g c o n c e r n s r e p r e s e n t i n g over 22 b illion
d ol l a r s of
i nv e s t e d capital,
one m i l l i o n st o ck h olders,
six:
mi ll i on e m p l o y e e s and 75 to 80 pe r ce n t of the total
m a n u f a c t u r i n g o u t p u t of the U.S.
o fficial
de em e d t h e NAM
In 1909,
"the most p o werful
b u s i n e s s m e n ever o r g a n i z e d
A c c o r d i n g to t h e
in any land,
or in a ny a g e . "4
the f o st e r i n g
domestic c o m m e r c e of the Unite d States,
em pl o y e r
of the
the b e t t e r m e n t of
and employee,
in th e p r i n c i p l e s of
the o w ne r sh i p of property,
the
" p ro m ot i on of the industrial
i nt e r e s t s of t h e U ni t e d States,
of the public
b od y of
1896 C o n s ti t ut i on ,
A s s o c i a t i o n ’s p u r p o s e w a s the
the r e l a t i o n s be tw e e n
an A s s o c i a t i o n
the educat ion
individual
the su pport of
l ibe rty and
legi s la t io n
in
f u r t h e r a n c e of t h o s e p r i n c i p l e s and o p p o s i t i o n to
l e g is l at i on in d e r o g a t i o n
1903,
t h e r e o f ."5 F r o m
the A s s o c i a t i o n e x p r e s s e d
no d e f i n i t e labor policy,
d ev oting th e gr e a t e r
part of
tariff
in t er n a t i o n a l
and p r o m o t i n g
In 1903,
however,
its e n e r g y to r e f o r m i n g the
trade.
t h e N A M a b an d on e d
c o n s e r v a t i v e p o l i c y r e s p e c t i n g labor,"
p r oc l ai m ed
"bel l ig e re n t"
le gi s lation"
and
its birth until
its "former
and ad op t ed
o f f e n s i v e t ow a r d
a self
"class
idea s p r o m o t e d by o r g a n i z e d
labor.6
A ll u di n g t o the n e w and mo r e h o s t i l e a n t i - u n i o n i s m in
industry,
as the larg e m a n u f a c t u r e r s m o v e d to t er m i n a t e
136
t r a de a g r e e m e n t s and de s t r o y a f f i li a te d unions,
l eade r s d ec l a r e d t ha t
"co n ci l ia t io n
A s s o ci a ti o n
is a m y t h " and
" arb i tr a ti o n a f a i l u r e . " ?
In addit i on to foll o wi n g the
l ea d e r s h i p of t h e n a t i o n ' s
largest t r a d e associations,
NAM i d en t i f i e d
a se cond r e a so n for the abru p t c ha n ge in the
focus of its activity:
the rapid
i n c r e a s e in m e mb e rs h ip of
its "chief o p p o n e n t , " the A m e r i c a n F e d e r a t i o n
which b e t w e e n
to over
the
1899 and
of Labor,
1904 had grown f r o m less than 3 6 0 , 0 0 0
1 1/2 million.
The Federation
a c c om p an i ed
such
m e m b e r s h i p g a i n s w i t h i n c re a se d a c t i v i t y s up p o r t i n g a
l e g i s l a t i v e s la t e of labor
unionism,
and by incr eas ed
recognition.
Alar med
benefits,
strikes,
p ro m o t i n g closed shop
often to force union
by this activity,
manuf acturi ng f irms floc ked to the NAM,
membership correspondingly
o w n ers of large
increasing
its
in the five y e a r s after
1903 f ro m
938 to almost 5, 0 0 0 . 8
The n ew h o s t i l i t y t o w a r d
labor re f l e c t e d c lass f e a r s
on the part of m a n u f a c t u r e r s that capital
agai ns t the in c r e a s i n g level
of o r g a n i z a t i o n by t h os e who
would r e v o l u t i o n i z e the social
Association
l e a d e r s at the
o u t li n ed t h e problem:
o r ga n iz e d
capital.
"was a l r e a d y united,
s p l e n d i d phalanx
was u nd efended
order.9
1903 and
S p e e c h e s of
1904 annual
o r g an i ze d labor,
conventions
and its solution:
"Labor," s aid a p r o m i n e n t m a n u f a c c u r e r ,
labor
was moving as o n e man;
labor in
like p r ec i si o n was m o v i n g like an army..."
to a c h i e v e its purpose.
By contrast,
capital
was
137
d i s o r g an i ze d wi th no coherent f o r c e or definite,
united
p olicy to " i n t e r p o s e against the a g g r e s s i o n s that might be
made upon i ts i n t e r e s t s . " The s p e a k e r r es o l v e d that "the
time had co m e wh e n t o be d i s o r g a n i z e d was t o be demoralized,
and to be d e m o r a l i z e d was to b e d a m n e d . 1 0
P r e s i d e n t David M. P a r r y ’s annual
and
ad d resses in 1903
1904 r a ll i e d hi s fellow m e m b e r s to mount a concerted
a ttack upon
labor.
Th e s e two c o n v e n t i o n s p ee c he s served as
the poi n ts of d e p a r t u r e for the su b s e q u e n t
anti-labor
ca mpaign of t he NA M and were o f t e n cited in later y e ar s by
A ss o ci a ti o n
o f f i c i a l s as the first,
-rrecessar-y atrrd apiürujçrrdraire crarHrs fzjr
coll activ = ly r esist
labor power.
most vehement,
cap i tal
Pr e sident
most
to or g a m z e and
Parry set the
stage for the c o n c e r t e d struggle.
"Heretofore organized
labor has had o n ly th e individual
emp l oy e r to combat," he
maintained,
"but its growing p o w e r now d em a n d s a
c o u n t e r - o r g a n i z a t i o n strong en ou g h to resist
e n c r o a c h m e n t s . "11 Too long has
unionism"
p reoccupied
its
" l aw l e s s and socialistic
m a n u f a c t u r e r s and emp l oy e rs generally,
so the A s s o c i a t i o n must focus its first attention on this,
the
"paramount
handful
q u e s t i o n . "12 "We h a v e been intimidated by a
of a n a r c h i s t s and s o - c a l l e d
labor
leaders,
and it is
now t i m e . . . t o s e t t l e this issue o n c e and for a l l . "13 In a
c as t ig a ti n g c r i t i q u e of org a ni z ed
labor.
Pa rr y referred to
l a b o r ’s in t ro d u c t i o n
in C on g r e s s of bi l l s supporting eight
hour days on federal
jobs and o p p o s i n g
injunctions,
and to
138
t h e -favorable r e c e p t i o n of such b i ll s by t h e p r e s s and the
public,
as " o m i no u s m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of the deep seated p ower
of an o r g a n i s a t i o n
which
in late y e a r s h as had such an
i n s i d i o u s g r o wt h t hat we find
d e g r e e t he w h o l e social,
it d o mi n a t i n g to a d a n g e r o u s
p o litical
and go v er nmental
s y s te m s
of t he n a t i o n . "14
With t h i s call
i d e ological
onslaught
t o arms,
a g a in s t
t h e NAM e m b a rk e d on an
labor,
"an open and squar e
f i gh t to t he f i ni s h w it h t h e unions".
15 B e c a u s e "public
opinion
is t h e g u i d in g f o r c e in t his nation today," and
because
“o r g a n i s e d
the s u pp ort
a ren a of
of p u bli c
ideas,
struggle.
labor owed
o pinion,"
that o rg a n i s e d
Designating
its present p ower main ly to
it was on t his front,
busi nes s
t h e N AM the
inter est s must
"most effi c ie n t
m o u t h p i e c e of c a p it a l, "
P r e s i d e n t P a rry i d entified
work
o ne - the m o u ld i ng of public
as
o pini o n"
down
"an ed u ca t i o n a l
to t h e point w h e r e labo r' s ef f o r t s
in t he i r infancy,
-the
so that t hey will
its chief
"will be bound
not come to so
d a n g e r o u s a h e a d . "16 T h r o u g h t h e p r e ss and t h e platform,
A s s o c i a t i o n must
thinking
it m ust
what
the
" e du c at e t h e m as s of the p e o p l e to r i ght
and d o ing
in all
m a t t e r s industrial
and social,
and
"a r o u s e t h e g reat m i d d l e c l a s s to a r e al i zt i on of
t r a d e u n i o n i s m r e a l l y m e a n s . "17 And o r g an i za t on
recognized element
in t he struggle:
in i n d us t ry and p o l it i cs , "
was a
"We know from e x p e r i e n c e
said an A s s o c i a t i o n official,
"that an o r g a n i z e d e ight or ten perce n t of a c o m m un i ty can
139
sway a whole c o m m u i t y . "18
But m o r e i m p o r ta n t t h an
c o n s c i o u s n e s s of t he individual
level,
'the people'
worker.
was the
On t h i s most crucial
the A s s o c i a t i o n s ought t o co u n t e r the t e a c h i n g s of
labor le aders with
what th e y de e me d a s i m p l e and sane
t r e a t me n t of e c o n o m i c
questions.
f ocused on org an i za t io n ,
Clearly,
t h e new em p ha s is
c r ea t i o n of an a n t i - l a b o r ideology
and its a g g r e s s i v e p r o m o t i o n
in s o ci e t y at
large and among
labor groups.
Association
l e ad e r s r e c o g n i z e d t h at m o d e r n soc i et y
of fe r ed new o p p o r t u n it i es for t h e use of
i d eo l o g y as social
control ;
W h i l e the industrial era has b r ou g h t new
p ro b le m s of social government, it has also
f o r t u n a t e l y su p pl i e d the mea n s for their
solution. Th e re has been a r e m a r k a b l e
d e v e l o p m e n t on ed u ca t io n al lines and the
d i s s e m i n a t i o n of k n o w l e d g e is one of the wo nders
of the age. T he m i n d s of men are being
c o n s t a n t l y b r o a d e n e d , and in this fa c t lies the
hope for the co rr e ct s ol u t i o n of industrial
qu es t io n s and the a p p l i c a t i o n of p ro p er r e me d ie s
to evils that t hr e a t e n progress.
In 1904,
the A s s o c i a t i o n re v i s e d
its constitution,
c o d i fy i ng its n e w o b j e c t i v e s with r e sp e c t t o labor
in a
D e c l a r at i on of Principles;
T h e m a i n t e n a n c e of in d iv i du a li s m.
The
social and material w e l f a r e of all c l a s s e s of
p eo p le is d e p e n d e n t upon the full e x e r c i s e of
individual f r e e d o m c o n s i s t e n t with the equal
ri gh t s of all and upon t h e p e r p e t u a t i o n of the
p r i n c i p l e of personal o w n e r s h i p which fu r ni s he d
the n e c e s s a r y i n c e n t i v e to individual eff o rt and
best p r o m o t e s th e c o n s e r v a t i o n of capital, the
great a s s i s t an t of labor.
140
T h e Associ ati o n . . .is opposed to
b oycotts, blac kl i st s , and all i n t e r f e r e n c e with
t h e c o ns t it u t i o n a l r i g h t s of employer and
employee. It is o p po s e d to r e st r i c t i o n of
indiv id u al output, t o l im i ta t io n of the number
of ap p re ntices, and to all means and p o l i c i e s
that tend to r e d u c e the e f f i c i e n c y of the
individual and p r o d u c t i v e c a p a c i t y of the
nati o n .
E m p l o y e e s ha v e th e right to co n t r a c t for
the ir se r vi c e s in a c o l l e c t i v e capacity, but any
c o n t r a c t that c o n t a i n s a s t ip u l a t i o n that
e m p l o y m e n t sho u ld b e denied to men not pa r t i e s
t o the co n tr a ct is an i nv asion of the
c on s ti t u t i o n a l r i g h t s of t h e A me rican workman,
is a ga i n s t pub l ic policy, and is in v i o l a t i o n of
t h e c o n s p i r a c y laws. This As s oc i a t i o n de c l a r e s
its u n a l t e r a b l e a n t a g o n i s m to the closed shop
and i ns i st s that t h e doors of no i n du s t r y be
clos ed against Am eri can workmen b eca use of their
m e m b e r s h i p or n o n - m e m b e r s h i p in any labor
o r g an 1z at i o n . 19
I I jl
and Methods
F ro m its i m me n s e power
b as e in industry,
the
A s s o c i a t i o n p ro m ot e d
its p r i n c i p l e s t h rough v ar i o u s
institutions:
s c h o o l s and universities,
press,
public
and s ta t e and national
m ainta i ne d
go v er n m e n t
churches,
agencies.
It
an e x t e n s i v e ne t wo r k of c o m m u n i c a t i o n with the s e
i n s t i t u t i o n s with a wi d e c ir c u l a t i o n of
its official
organ,
B d g C i G ë D l o d u s t r i es , a m o n g m a nu facturers,
s t a t e s m e n and
educators,
and through
by m e a n s of g o v e r n m e n t
d i s s e m i n a t i o n of offic ia l
speakers.
the
In addition,
reports,
lobbies,
the
lite r at u re and public
t h e A ss o c i a t i o n u ti l iz e d direct
c h a nn e ls of c o m m u n i c a t i o n to industrial
and commercial
I ntere s ts t hr o u g h tr a de and n o n - t r a d e e m p l o y e r s ’
a ssociations,
b a n k e r s ’ associ ati ons,
c h am b e r s of commerce,
141
c i t i z e n s industrial
organiz a ti o ns ,
the National
associations,
C o n s e r v a t i o n Congress and t h e
A m e r i c a n A c a d e m y of Po litical
year.
farmers
and Social
Science.
The same
P r e s i d e n t K i r b y d e l i v e r e d s p e e c h e s in ten major c i t i e s
w h e r e local
n e w s p a p e r s p r i n t e d h is address in full.
K i r by
clai me d that t o g et h er he and other A s s o c ia t io n lead e rs had
in o ne y e a r ' s t i m e a dd r e s s e d
25 0 , 0 0 0 persons,
anot he r 7 5 0 , 0 0 0 t hr o ug h A s s o c i a t i o n
publ i ca t io n s and
u l t i m a t e l y c o n t a c t e d fift e en mill io n
n o t i c e s and n ew s p a p e r articles.
of t h e A s s o c i a t i o n , "
p r o p a g a n d a effort,
reached
if one counted p re s s
"Never before in the h i s t o r y
said K i r by summing up the 1910
"has Lits] work been more fully p r e s e n t e d
or its i nf l u e n c e more w i d e l v e x t e n d e d ." The use of such
methods,
he claimed,
in a way that
"spread the gospel
its Principles,
and material
truth
l e aves no r o o m for c o m p l ain t ."21
F o cu s in g on the schools,
c o p i e s of
of industrial
t he Association f u r n i s h e d
y e a r books,
f ro m its Educ a ti o na l
A merican
I n d u s tr i es
,
L i t e r at u re series to
publ ic and leadi n g c o l l e g e l i b r a r i e s throughout the nation.
In addition,
it p r o v id e d s p e a k e r s to educational
i n s t i t u t i o n s which,
in its view,
individual
liberty,
pr i v a t e property,
i ndustrial
p e a c e in a manne r
of t h e m a n u f ac t ur e rs .
treat e d the p r i n c i p l e s of
and meth od s of
in keeping with the p h i l o s o p h y
Recognizing
the current i mp o r t a n c e and
p o p u l a r i t y of d e b a t e in the ed u cational
A ss o c i a t i o n
process,
the
g e n er a te d and t h e n c a p i ta l iz e d upon the
"great
142
p u bl i c
i n t e re s t"
in t h e open shop debate,
p r ov i di n g
m a t e r i a l s to c o l l e g e and u n i v e r s i t y t e a m s d ef e n d i n g t h e open
shop p o s i t i o n . 22
In 1904,
had yet to learn of t h e
Association
position.
P r e s i d e n t P a r r y r e po r te d that he
loss of a s i n g l e d e b a t e for t he
Thro ug h th e r e m a i n d e r of the decade,
t h e A s s o c i a t i o n c o n t i n u e d to r e c e i v e n u m e r o u s r e q u e s t s for
material
from
de b a t i n g teams,
liberal"
d e l i v e r i e s of p r in t ed
the A sso ciation
e d u c at i on a l
information.
In one month,
i n s t i t u t i o n s in N e b r a s k a alone.
industrial
1900-1910,
t rad e s c h o o l s
d i s p u t e c e n t e r i n g arou nd two
t he s u p p l y of
the ideology
t h e f o u nd i ng and pr o m o t i o n
il lum i n a t e d
questions:
s ame grounds.
a 1a bor -capital
Who was to control
labor and to what e nd? And,
who was to control
imposed u po n w o r k m e n n e w to the w o r k p l a c e ?
A F of L ad d r e s s e d the t r ad e school
t o do so,
"prompt and
sent 4 2 sets of d e b a t i n g m a t e r i a l s to
In t he period
of
a l w a y s making
Its m e m b e r unions,
The
i ss u e on p r e c i s e l y the
w h e r e they had the power
e n f o r c e d an a p p r e n t i c e s y s t e m wh ich go v e r n e d both
t he n u m be r and o n - t h e - j o b t r a i n i n g of apprentices.
such control
To lose
to em p l o y e r d o m i n a t e d i n s t i t u t i o n s m ea n t that
u n i o n s would f a c e a d e l u g e of s k i l l e d
s u f f i c i e n t to g l ut t h e market,
t o d e s t r o y unions.
labor in n u m b e r s
lower wages,
To t h e Fed e ra t io n ,
a d d r e s s e d the h eart of the q uestion
and u l t i m a t e l y
the t r a de school
i s sue
of labor s up p ly and wage
levels,
r e p r e s e n t i n g a s t r u g g l e b e t we e n t h o se who w o u ld
cheapen
labor by i n c re a si n g its numbers,
and those w h o w ould
143
cr ea t e what t he N A M t e r m e d an "artificial
importantly,
sc a rc i ty . " M o r e
the F e d e r a t i o n r e c o g n i z e d th e crucial
of c o n t ro l li n g
i d e o l o g y at the very p o in t when young
a pp r e n t i c e w o rk m e n e n t e r e d th e w o r k p l a c e itself.
knew that t r a d e school
labor control
n e c e s si t y
The AF of L
e d u c a t i o n wo u ld e f f e c t i v e l y e l i m i n a t e
of j o b - a c q u i r e d id eo l og y and f o r c e upon
a p p r e n t i c e s a p r o - e m p l o y e r s en t im e nt ma k in g t h e m w i l l i n g l y
s er v e as s t r i k e breakers.
U.S.
T o such "scab h a t c h er i es "
Labor C o m m i s s i o n e r Carroll
W r ig h t
said
"labor un i o n s de c l a r e
t h e m s e l v e s t o t a l l y and u n a l t e r a b l y o p p o s e d . "23
To the NAM,
em p lo y e r
a f a v o r a b l e so lut ion to both
pr obl e m s of wor ker
el em e nt
control,
in its general
1905 t h e NAM began
or ga n iz e d
o perated t r a d e s c h o o l s pr o vi d e d
the ideological
and supply
and thus c o n sti tut ed
a s sa u lt on worker cons c io u sn e ss .
in
a p r o p a g a n d a as s au l t c h a l l e n g i n g
la b o r ' s l i m i ta t io n of a p p r e n t i c e s and its
g o v e r n a n c e of t h e i r i d eo l ogical
m e m b e r s to found e m p l o y e r
"economic n e c e s s i t y "
ideological
training.
co n tr o ll e d
of g u a r a n t e e i n g
It ex h or t e d
its
t ra d e s c h o o l s for the
cheap
labor,
and the
n e c e s s i t y of r ig h t i n g a "great wrong co mm i tt e d
by labor aga i ns t its own c l a s s " , that of bi a si n g
its
vital
"true b e n e f a c t o r s "
and denying the individual
it a gainst
f r e e d o m to
w o r k .24
Th e N A M i n s i s t e d th a t t h e i n t e r e s t s of m a n u f a c t u r e r s
r eq u i r e d a "new e d u c a t i o n "
only g u a r a n t e e secure,
for workers,
skilled,
one which would not
intelligent,
w il l in g
labor.
144
but
labor that was " p ro perly p r o t e c t e d from t h e do m in a ti o n
and w i t h e r i n g blight of o r g a n i ze d labor,
t he i n t e re s ts which
and t h u s loyal
[employers] r e p r e s en t ." Thus,
to
tr ad e
s ch o ol s we r e m a d e n e c e s s a r y by "the u n - A m e r i c a n and
a r b i t r a r y m e t h o d s of labor u n i o n s . "25 The a p p r e n t i c e is the
c r e a t u r e of th e union,"
Cleave,
said A ss o c i a t i o n P r e s id e nt Van
"and not of the employer.
He must o b s e r v e union
ru le s and walk out when t he union strikes.
t he a p p r e n t i c e is not as loyal
As a consequence,
and s e r v i c e a b l e to hi s
e m p lo y e r as he would of n e c e s s i t y be had he no re l at i o n to
the u n i o n ."26
Clearly,
in the
the A s s o c ia t io n r e c o g ni z ed a vital
ideologicai
workers'
struggle,
l oyalty and
the i nterrelati on shi p between
"service a bi l it y "
It al so u n d e r s t o o d that the removal
union control
operated
"right edu c at i on . "
of a p p r e n t i c e s h i p s from
site of
ideological
input:
the
T h ro u gh th e f o r m a t io n of e mp l oy e r or st a te
industrial
organized
and
would e l i m i n a t e t he ma i n sou r ce of p r o- labor
input f r o m the most crucial
workplace.
element
trade schools,
capital
so ug h t to p revent
labor fr o m ob s t r u c t i n g th e fr e e e m p l o y m e n t of
apprentices,
in cr e as e th e nu mb e r of a p pr e n t i c e s and thus the
su p pl y of s k il l e d
and control
labor,
i n s ul a te t h e m f r o m u n io n ideology,
and s t a n d a r d i z e the technical
c on t e n t of worker
education.
Clearly,
in the ideological
the A s so c i a t i o n r e c o g n iz e d a vital
struggle,
e l ement
t h e i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between
14:
workers'
l o ya l ty and
" s e r v i ce a bi l it y "
It a l so u n d e r s t o o d that the removal
u nion control
p ro - l a b o r
input:
and
"right e d u c a t i o n . "
of a p p r e n t i c e s h i p s from
e f f e c t i v e l y e l i m in a te d t h e main s o u r c e of
input f ro m the most crucial
t h e workplace.
s tate op e r a t e d
Throu g h t h e f o r ma t io n of e m p l o y e r
in d ustrial
p r ev e nt o r g a n i z e d
of ap p re n ti c es ,
s i te of ide o lo g ic a l
t r ad e schools,
capital
or
s o u g h t to
labor f r o m o b st r uc t in g t he f r e e e m p l o ym e nt
i n c r e a s e t he numbe r of a p p r e n t i c e s and thus
the s u p p l y of s k i l l e d
labor,
ideology,
and s t a n d a r d i z e t h e te chnical
and control
i n s u la t e t h em from union
c o n t en t
of w o r ke r education.
The A s s o c i a t i o n
r e s t r i c t i o n of
labor
couched the whole ques tio n of union
s upp ly through
a p p r e n t i c e s h i p s w i t h i n t h e larger
o pe r a t i o n
moral
of the
"natural
law"
co ntrolled
question of t he f r ee
of supp l y and deman d
law of f r e e d o m of the individual.
w r o n g " of
apprentices,
the NA M p i c t u r e d its e f f o rt s t o open t r a d e
t h e n u m b e r of
c o m e r s as g u a r a n t e e i n g to the i n dividual
f r e e d o m to work,
t o learn a trade,
"God g iven birthright,
D e c l a r a t i o n of
limiting
labor's
"great moral
s c ho o ls to all
"ar t if i ci a ll y "
A g a in s t
and the
to d e v e lo p himself,
a
f u r th e r v ou c h s a f e d to h i m by the
I n d e p e n d e n c e and the C o n s t i t u t i o n . ..."27 This
d i v i n e and legal
r i g ht t o learn a trade,
said o n e
A s s o c i a t i o n official,
s h o u ld be as f ree as air and sunlight,
and all art i fi c ia l and ar b i t r a r y h i n d r a n c e s or
b a r r i e r s f r o m w h a t e v e r s o u rc e must s o o ne r or
later be removed. T hi s is the law and t h e gospel
146
as e m b o d i e d and e n u n c i a t e d in t h e i m m u t a b l e and
e v e r l a s t i n g p r i n c i p l e of t h e " F a t he r ho o d of God
and the u niversal b r o t h e r h o o d of m a n , " - Samuel
G o m p e r s and h i s cohorts, and a f ew s t ray c l o s e d
shop m i n i s t e r s of t h e Gospel, with closed shop
u nion c a r d s in t h e i r pockets,
n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g . ...28
T h u s the p ower of the cult of e c o no m ic i n d i v i d u a l i s m
b a c k ed by the law of t h e
land and the moral
law of god was
e m p l o y e d to l e g i t i m a t e c a p i t a l ’s d e m a n d for t he r ig h t to
learn a t r a d e f r e e f r o m
'u n n a t u r a l ' limitation,
c o n d e m n t h o s e w ho w o ul d
interfere.
and t o
A n y o n e r o b b i n g a w o r k er
of t h i s r ight by r e s t r i c t i n g fr e e d o m of the i n d iv i du a l
thief
of the d e ep e st
to door i vs h im of
dyes,
light,
"is a
no less h e i n o u s than he w h o seeks
s.ir, water,
aye even
life
i t s e l f . "29 The Associ ati o n ’s i n s i s t e n c e upon f r e e d o m of
c h o i c e for w o r k e r s
and
its d e s i r e to impl e me n t the
m i s s i o n a r y and e du c a t i o n a l
b a se d upon
its own self
t r a d e school
was
potential
of trade s c h o o l s were
i n t e r e s t e d e c o n om i c reasons;
"essentially a business proposition
f irst w a t e r . "30 But its j u s t i f i c a t i o n for this m e t h o d
a s su r in g plent i fu l
of moral,
legal
l a bor r es t ed upon t he id e ological
and natural
th e
of t he
of
plane
laws and rights.
The A s s o c i a t i o n ’s a n swer to t h e question of t h e
control
of labor
s u p p l y w a s a l s o bound up with
in c o n t r o l l i n g w o r k e r
b e tw e en job t r a i n i n g
ideology.
its inte re s t
As it saw th e r e l a t i o n s h i p
and supply,
so it r e c o g n i s e d the
i n s e p a r a b i l i t y of job t r a i n i n g
and ideology.
A s s o c i a t i o n was c o n v i n c e d that
"there will
The
n e ve r be a ny
147
perm a ne n t i m p r o v e m e n t
in labor co n di t i o n s "
would c o m p o s e t h e f u t u r e labor f o rc e
youth...to re ceive correct
capital
and of capit a l
until
t h o s e who
"are t r a i n e d
in their
ideas on t h ei r r e l a t i o n s to
to t h e m . "31 The A s s o c i a t i o n
reco g ni z ed t h e i n s e p a r a b i l i t y of i d e o lo g y and job training.
Empl oy e r o p e r a t e d schools,
c a p i t a l i z i n g on t h e ec o n o m i c
power of shop based t r a i n i n g
"shop spir i t"
behavior,
with
and education,
in w o r k e r s that
c r e a t i n g an
"practical
f o r me d t h e b a s i s
"industrial
mental
k n o w l e d g e and general
a doci l e and s e r v i l e workforce.
implanted
Trai ni n g
of their
discipline"
cu l t u r e "
in em p l o y e r
"nip d i s e a s e d
the bud,"
"spirit of t he
instill
in labor the
u nde r ta k in g that r e n d e r s p o s s i b l e its pra c ti c al
employment,
along
t o g ua r a n t e e
c on trolled s c h o o l s w as design ed to
and
a
ideas in
us e and
c o u p le d w it h r e s pe c t for and o b e d i e n c e to the
laws of our country,
r e c o g n i z i n g f ul l y t he r i g h t s of all
m e n ...."32 T hu s e d u c a t e d w ith anti- l ab o r and pro- c ap i ta l
teachings,
labor b e g a n t o u n de r s t a n d w ho b est s e r v e d
its
i n te r es t s and w h e r e i t s t r u e loy al t ie s lay.
After
1905,
Association
me e t i n g s d e v o t e d
bl ocks of t i m e to a f f i r m i n g the ideological
by industrial
schools,
large
control
provided
hearing reports from sponsoring
m a n u f a c t u r e r s and a d m i n i s t r a t o r s of e x i s t i n g schools.
R e p o r t s c ited f a v o r a b l e g a i n s made
in " i m p r i n t i n g
and
i m p r e s s i n g . . .upon the p l as t ic m i nd s and l i v es of t h es e
y o u t h. . .t h at
l o y a l t y and h o n e s t y and i n t e g r i t y a r e greater
148
even t han a u ni o n
sense,
d o cility,
l a b e l . . . . "33 T h e sc h o o l s i n s t il l ed common
and a w i l l i n g n e s s t o w o rk hard,
along with
" c o r r e c t " id eas on the r e l a t i v e o b l i g a t i o n s b e t w e e n capital
and
labor.
E m p l o y e r s of the NAM p l a c e d g r e a t s t o r e in the
power of t r a d e school
i m planted i d e o lo g y as social
control.
Had such t r a d e s c h o o l s been foun de d t h r o u g h o u t t h e count r y
fifty y e a r s ago,
r e m a r k e d one adminis t ra t or ,
“t e ac h in g men
to w ork in h a r m o n y w ith empl o ye r s and r e c o g n i z e that his
i nterest
is theirs,
then t h e st r i k e s and l abor t r ou b le s
which h a v e so g r e a t l y v exed us s i n ce t h e War w o u ld have been
l arge l y a v e r t e d ...."34
In the p e rio d 1905-1910,
school s began
i nt e r e s t s of
e m p loy er s p o n s o r e d t rade
to p r o d u c e labor that
labor and capital
did
in fact
identical,
avoid t he open
shop and union
o r g a n i z e r s and s erve as scab
ma nu f ac t ur e rs ,
the term
’industrial
s i g n if y e a s i l y c o nt rolled,
no n - u n i o n labor.
larger c o n q u e s t s for the 'open shop'
g r owth of i n d us t ri a l
p lentiful
and o b e d i e n t
an even
To
c am e to
By 1908,
the
"new and i m m e ns e ly
are c o m i n g thro ug h the
e du c ation." And to f u r t h e r g u a r a n t e e
labor,
he a d v o c a t e d b e g i n n i n g such
e d u c a t i o n not at a g e fourteen,
at seven,
labor.
e d ucation'
A s s o c i a t i o n p r e s i d e n t could claim that
consider the
as in most t r a d e schools,
more o p p o r tu n e t i m e to
but
" i m p r e s s upon the
boy the t h i n g s w e want hi m to k n o w . ”35
The Association
inte re s t
confined its e f f o r t s to g e nerating
in t r a d e education,
urgin g
its m e m b e r s t o give them
149
g e n e r o u s financial
assistance,
but left t h e actual
e s t a b l i s h m e n t of s c h o o l s to m a n u f a c t u r e r s and t he public.
G i ve n labor ' s
“well
a c k n o w l e d g e d that
known"
objections,
employers
"it is t o o e a rly at t h i s s t a g e of the game
t o expe ct that the m a s s of t he p e o p l e will
a c ce p t without a
m u r me r p u bl i c t r a d e s c h o o l s s upported by p u b l i c t a x a t i o n . "
" N e v e r t h e l e s s , " said the Special
E du c a t i o n
in Boston,
but once sold,
want,
S up e r v i s o r
of
Industrial
the s e . ling of the i d e a is paramount,
it will
e n c ou n te r no furt he r opposition?
and are g oing t o h a v e
(trade)
we
s c h o o l s . ..."36 T he NAM
ini t ia t ed a p u b l i c i t y c a mp a ig n cond uc t ed by each of the
m em ber m a n u f a c t u r e r s
that
in his own plant to c o n v i n c e w o rke rs
such school s served the interests of
c a mp a ig n sough t f irst to
labor.
The
“clear the h o r i zo n of d i s c u ss i on
f ro m the c l o u d s of s mo k e w hich a r ise from t h e f i r i ng
t h e p ed a g o g u e and t h e labor
leader,"
and t h e n
line of
"p ra c ti c al l y
a n swer the s t a t e m e n t ... that trade s c h oo l s a r e a benef i t to
t h e work i ng m an . "
The w o r k e r s
t o find out that
[trade]
h a r d s h i p s and that
"need but a f e w o b j e c t
lessons
educ at i on s i mp l y r e l i e v e s t hem of
it is in line with social
a d v a n c e m e n t ."37 And t h r o u g h
trade schools,
and industrial
e m p l o y e r s of the
N A M rose to the c h a l l e n g e of p r o v id i ng t h o s e lessons.
In 1905,
Industrial
the A ss o c i a t i o n f o rmed a C o m m i t t e e on
E d u c a t i o n to stre ss the i m p o r t a n c e of industrial
ed u c a t i o n to the A me r i c a n people.
h o u s e for
information,
S e rv i ng as a clear i ng
t h is c o m mi t te e link e d o ther similar
150
e mplo y er m ov e m e n t s t h r ou g ho u t
the country,
encouraging
p u b li c and p r i v a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s to found t r a d e schools.
1906,
In
t he C o m m i t t e e c i r c u l a t e d p r o p a g a n d a material
a d v o ca t in g t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of t r ad e s c h o o l s to the
superintendent
over 30,000.
bill
of p u bl i c e d uc a ti o n in every c i t y in the U.S.
T h e f al l o w i n g year,
it s po n s o r e d a n ational
prov i di n g for t a x p ay e r f i n a nc i ng of nat io n al
t r a de schools.
By 1907,
it re p o r t e d that,
w a i t i n g for publ i c schools,
National
Metal
and s ta t e
i n s t ea d of
m an y m a n u f a c t u r e r s such
T r a d e s A ss o c i a t i o n and the Nati o na l
A s s oc i a t i o n w e r e
"taking m at t er s into their
t r ain ing their own
labor,"
factori e s .38 And national
as the
T i le
own h a n ds and
by esta bli shi ng s c h o o l s in their
trade a sso c i a t i o n s began to
s up port e x i st i ng p r i v a t e and p ublic t rade s c h o o l s t h r o u g h
g en e r o u s g ifts of e q u i p m e n t and money:
the N ational
Founders'
Metal
A s s o c i a t i o n and the National
S t ov e
T r a d es
A s so c ia t io n f i n a nc e d t h e c o n s tr u ct o n of a f u l ly e q u i p p e d
f o u n d r y at a t r ad e school
the p o p u l a c e appropri a te d ,
in Indianapolis;
agai n st local
in Cincinnati,
opposition,
$ 1 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 for the e s ta b i s h m e n t of a te chnical
in Pittsburgh,
the C a r n e g i e Technical
c o m p l e t i o n at a cost of $12,000,000.
r e p o rt e d four c o ns i st e nt y e a r s of
School
school;
and
neared
By 1909,
the C o m m i t t e e
"great p r o gr e ss "
in t h e
p r o l i f e r a t i o n of t r ad e s c h o o l s . 39
E d u c a t i o n ? Yes,
but e d u c a t i o n that h ad its i m p e t u s
in t h e same d e s i r e s for social
control
that
i n fo r me d the
151
V i c t o r i a n m i d d l e class,
beset by labor unrest.
s e r ve as a tool
of
e s p e c i a l l y its b u s i n e s s e l e m e n t s
Thus,
e d u c a t i o n w a s s i e ze d u po n to
i n d o c t r i n a t i o n away f r o m i de a s that the
e m p l o y e r s of t h e N A M c o n s i d e r e d
e l e m e n t s in society,
toward
s u b v e r s i v e of t h e best
i d e as that w o ul d e n h a n c e an
a l l e g i a n c e to t h a t s o c i e t y and its precepts.
sincere
T h e y w e re
in their belief t h a t t r a de s c h oo l s w o uld
"in the
e n d . . . b e one of t he g r e a t e s t b l e s s i n g s socially,
e c o n o m i c a l l y and i n dustrially,
that could ever c o m e to the
Am e r i c a n p e o p l e . ..."40
One h a r d l y need r e c o u n t
of the busi ness-domi nated
shaping
government
that structure,
powerful
one,
the NAM f u n c t i o n e d
a m or e pr actical
"often s l o w and
o p i n i o n . 41
ideally
employers,
l e gi s l a t i o n
a l be i t a
In
t he NAM c o n s i d e r e d
one of its chief
less dire ct "
the
functions,
p r o c e s s of i n f l u e n c i n g publi c
A l t h ou g h A s s o c i a t i o n
o f f i c i a l s a c k n o w l e d g e d that,
law s h o ul d re f l e c t p u bl i c will,
was more often true.
legislation
t h e y a p p r o a c h e d the
knowing that th e r e v e r s e
"Just as p u b li c o p in i on c r e a t e s law,"
D i s t r i c t J u d g e W i l l i a m H. Speer of N e w J e r s e y
A s s o c i a t i o n members,
o p i n i o n . "42
Within
method of a c h i e v i n g its g o al s t ha n the
q u e st i on of c o n t r o l l i n g
U.S.
as an element,
in the e x e r c i s e of bu s i n e s s power.
i nf l u e n c e of
power
R e p ubl ica n party or its r o le in
e c o n o m i c p o li cy in t hi s period.
p r o m o t i n g t h e i nt e r e s t s of
direct
the i m m en s e poli ti c al
"so y o u will
informed
find law c r e a t e s p u blic
152
T he A s s o c i a t i o n ’s e x t e n s i v e poli ti c al
i ncluded
a c t iv i ty
i s suing e n d o r s e m e n t s and c o n d e m n a t i o n s of
individual
l e g i s l a t o r s and legislation,
conducting
a g g r e s s i v e w a r f a r e again s t s t a t e and federal
in its official
pub l ic a ti o ns ,
platforms.
M o s t important,
W as h ington,
D.C.,
p ro - l a b o r bills
and i n f l u e n c i n g p ar t y
it m a i n t a i n e d a l o bb y in
t o e n s u r e t h e p a s s a g e of
laws f a vo r ab l e to
its interests.
To ma i n t a i n
direc t c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n th e
b u s i n e s s c o m m u n i t y and e v e n t s in the n a t i o n ’s capital,
A s s o c i a t i o n p u b l i s h e d a b i m o n t h l y ne w sletter,
W g s b i o g t g n S e r v i c e B u lle tin
advi se d on pend ing
.
T h is served
legislation,
the
the
to keep empl oye rs
cases in the federal
courts,
and a c t i v i t i e s of v a r i o u s a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o m m i s s i o n s and
bureaus.
It e n c o u r a g e d m e m b e r s to meet p e r s o n a l l y with
p u bl i c officials,
crucial
and c o n d u c t e d t e l e g r a m c a m p a i g n s as
v o t e s approached.
m o b i l i z e d the
influential
In t h i s manner,
" co l l e c t i v e ju d g e m e n t "
b l o ck of b u s i n e s s m e n
t he Ass o ci a ti o n
of a l a r ge and
on in d ustrial
g u a r a n t e e t he e x p r e s s i o n of their will
questions,
to
in l e g i s l a t i v e
policy.
T h e N A M f i r st b e ga n a c t i v e c a m p a i g n s a g a i n s t labor
b i ll s in 1902,
bill
s u c c e s s f u l l y op p o s i n g the n a t i on a l
for w o r k e r s e m p l oy e d
anti-injunction
bills,
in g o v e r n m e n t w o r k
all
A s s o c i a t i o n a t t a c k e d the
eight hour
and va r ious
s p o n s o r e d by t h e AF of L. The
" v i c io u s c l a ss le g is l a t i o n "
p r o m o t e d by o r g a n i z e d
labor in C o n g r e s s on the gr o un d s that
it woul d
for one c l a s s of c i t i z e n s to do that
"make lawful
which r e m a i n s u nl awful
Association
repeal
for
-
• other c l a s s to do." The
d e n o u n c e d th e eight hour bill
t h e bill
i n di v id u al , "
as "an act to
of r i g h t s g u a r a n t e e i n g t h e f r e e d o m of the
and the a n t i - i n j u n c t i o n bill
as an attempt
"to
l e g a l i z e s t r i k e s and b o y c o t t s . "43 B e c a u s e it challe n ge d
b u s i n e s s p ow e r in o ne of its most sa cr e d bastions,
courts,
the a n t i - i n j u n c t i o n b a t t l e c l e a r l y t ouched a n er v e
for the NAM.
courts,
To r e m o v e the pow e r of i n ju n c t i o n from the
said P r e s i d e n t
Kirby,
is to r e m o v e the only
p r o t e c t i o n e m p l o y e r s ha v e ag ainst the
labor unions.
"lawless"
th e A s s o c i a t i o n bro ugh t to bear
its pow er
in
b et w e e n
p ro p o s e d
" a g gr e s s i v e l y "
[they wou l d bel
industrial
methods of
Emphasi z i ng the i m p o r t a n c e of this
c on tes t,"
b ec a u s e
the
w e lfare,
"first
the great rang e of
o pp o s i n g t h e s e bills,
extremely
"not o n l y
in j ur i o u s to the
but also b e c a u s e a tes t of strength
i n d i v i d u a l i s m and s o c i a l i s m is bein g ma d e on the
l e g i s l a t i o n . "44 The A s s o c i a t i o n d ir e c t e d a
r e s o l u t i o n t o C o n g r e s s o pp osing the e ig h t hour bill
unwarranted
h ol d i n g
as an
i n t e r f e r e n c e with b u s i n e s s of m a n u f a c t u r e r s
g o v e r n m e n t c o n t r a c t s and g e n e r a t e d a flood of
t e l e g r a m s f r o m membe rs ,
of the bill
e f fo r t s which re s u l t e d in the de fe a t
in C o n g r e s s in
t h e e ig ht h o u r bill
e ver y se ss i on
of
1902.
Until
its pa s s a g e in 1912,
met s i milar a c t i v e N A M o p p os i ti o n in
Congress.
154
In 1907 t h e NAM created,
s ub s i d i a r y or g an i z a t i o n ,
D ef e ns e which a l l i e d
employers'
u n d e r w r o t e and g ov e r n e d
t h e National Council
for
it wit h other commercial
Industrial
and industrial
a s s o c i a t i o n s t o cre a te p e rm a n e n t u n i f i c a t i o n of
e m p l o y e r s ’ a s s o c ia t io n s,
Washington-based
p r o v i d e a he a vi l y funded,
l o b b y for capital
i nt e re s ts in
"matters
p e r ta i ni n g to c l a s s l e g i s l a t i o n . "45 Re p re seting,
130 national,
sponsored
a
s t a t e and local
a staff
organizations,
t h e Council
of a t t o r n e y s fully eq u i p p e d
s y s te m at i c work of
scrutinizing
legislation.
first year of work,
the NC I D legal
attorneys,
29, 0 0 0
anelvzed
staff,
in 1907,
for the
D u r i n g its
a i d e d b y NAM
separate House and S e n a t e bills
identifying
" d a n g e r o u s mea s u r e s that affect t h e
relation."
It u s e d th e se a n al y s e s to e n a b l e C o n g r e s s m e n to
u n d er s ta n d l a b o r ’ s at t em p t
special
"to obtain
class p r i v i l e g e s or to impair or d e s t r o y personal
p ro p er t y ri g h t s . "
Emery,
through legi sl a ti o n
labor
The C o u n c i l ’s chief a t t o r n e y , Ja m e s W.
re p or t ed to th e A s s o c i a t i o n that du r i n g t h e
l egis l at i ve session,
all
such bi l ls were
1907-1908
" a p p r o p r i a t e l y and
e f f e c t i v e l y ” r e s i s t e d . 46
The N C I D ’s s u c c e s s in swaying natio n al
stemmed p a rt l y f r o m the forceful,
legislators
smooth and k n o w l e d g e a b l e
i m pression m ad e by m e m b e r s of its lobbying team.
C on g re s s m e n t h e m s e l v e s d e sc r i b e d Emery as "quick,
r e s o u r c e f u l , keen a s a D a m a s c u s b l a d e , ... e n d o w e d
r e fi n em e nt and a tac t that
make him a c h a r m i n g
alert,
with a
companion.
155
and w i th a f l u e n c y of speech that s u g g e s t s lineal
descent
from t h e gr e at D e m o s t h e n e s h i m s e l f ." C o n g r e s s m e n
c haracterized another
" c o o l , j u dicial,
NCID attorney,
c a l m of speech,
Daniel
Davenport,
a mas t er of
s t a t e m e n t . " L e g i s l a t o r s r ec o gnised Mr.
logical
E m e r y ’s
"authoritative
k n o w e l dg e " on the s ub j e c t of
a d m i t t i n g t ha t
w e r e it not for his " p r o p er l y o r g a n s e d
ef f or t ,"
industrial
d a n g e r o u s cl a ss legislation w ou l d a p p e a r
s t a t u t e b o o k s of
as
law,
on the
t h e n a t i o n . 47
The p a s s a g e of a n t i - i n j u n c t i o n l e g i s l a t i o n
r e a p p e a r e d a s t h e chief demand of labor
years 1906-1903.
Cha rq i n q that in j u.ncti ons w e r e
"i m p r o v i d e n t l y issued
L and
labor
in C o n g r e s s in the
and o p p r ess ive ly e n f o rce d,"
sympathetic
le gis lators
the A F of
in 1906 s p o n s o r e d a new
se r i e s of a n t i - i n j u n c t i o n bills which the A s s o c i a t i o n dubbed
t he
"e x tr e m e d e m a n d s of t h e A m erican F e d e r a t i o n
Over t h e next t w o years,
the NAM g e n e r a t e d p r e s s u r e from
b u s i n e s s m e n to d e f e a t th e se bills.
Theodore Roosevelt
of L a b o r . "48
C o n g r e s s and President
were deluged with t e l e g r a m s and letters
fr om t h e l e a d i n g c i t i z e n s of ev er y ci ty and s t a t e in the
Union.
In o n e 4 8 hour period beg i nn i ng with a call
ac t io n on M a y 8,
1908,
the or g anizational
network
for
sent over
10,000 l e t t e r s and t e l e g ra m s a g ai n st a p e nd i n g
a n t i - i n j u n c t i o n bill.
That same year,
n u m e r o u s A ss o ciaion
m e m b e r s went to W a s h i n g t o n to p e r s o n a l l y join
a gainst
AF of L leaders.
Congressional
the fight
committeemen
156
"received
I n f or m at i on gladly"
c h a r a c t e r i z i n g t h e m as
f ro m N AM delegates,
"patriotic,
d i g n i f i e d men w h o h a v e
left t h e ir b u s i n e s s to come and act as e x - o f f i c i o m e m b e r s of
t heir c o m m i t t e e . " T h e N A M ’s lobby of
a t t o r n e y s and w i t n e s s e s "
C o m m i t t e e m e m b e r s t hat
Insisted
"sch o la r ly and e l o q u e n t
to H o u s e J u d i c i a r y
"neither t h e law nor p a t r i o t i c publ i c
p o l i c y w o u ld admit or tolerate"
the p a s s a g e of such bills.
S e nior m e m b e r s of C o n g r e s r e m a r k e d t h at a "more powe r fu l
e x p r e s s i o n of b u s i n e s s opinion upon a l e g i s l a t i v e subje c t"
had not b ee n e x p e r i e n c e d ."49
C itin g the A s s o c i a t i o n ’s "amazing r e c o r d " in
d e f eat ing
labor
legislation,
e v ol uti on
in tactics.
At first,
f o ll o we d a n t i - i n j u n c t i o n
S e n a t e calendar,
gradually
after
ha said,
an
the A s s o c i a t i o n
and e ight hour b ills t h r o u g h
the
and then d e f e at e d t h e m in com mi t te e s.
1907,
committee declined
the number
of b i l l s p r e s e n t e d
"bec a us e of t h e
w h ich w a s quite correct,
t hem t h e r e . "
Pr e s i d e n t Parry d e s c r i b e d
that
<A F of L ’s)
But,
in
su p po sition,
it w o uld be u s e l e s s to send
T h e s a me p ro cess w o r k ed
init i al l y to d e f e a t
b i l l s in H o u s e c o m m i t t e e s and f i n a l l y pr e vent t h e m f r o m
a p pe a ri n g
at all.
"It has almost re q u i r e d a s e p a r a t e
s essi o n of C o n g r e s s . ..to beat t h e s e m e a su r es b ack s te p by
step,"
d e c l a r e d P a r r y . 5 0 Eventually,
in W a s h i n g t o n a n n o u n c e d
checkmated
A ss o c i a t i o n o f f i c i a l s
that u n i o n s were
"effectual 1 y
in t h e ir e f f o r t s to s e c u r e s o c i a l i s t i c and
semi-socialistic
laws."
By 1909,
P r e s i d e n t Van C l e a v e could
157
r ep o r t t o the a s s e m b l e d As s oc i at i on on t h e defeat between
1906 and
1909 of all
He pb u rn Bill,
pr o labor l eg i s l a t i o n
i nc luding the
t he de a th of a nt i - i n j u n c t i o n
" a g i t a t i o n , " th e
S u p r e m e C ou r t ' s d e c l a r a t i o n of an e m p l o y e r s ’ li a bility law
unconstitutional
and t h e AF of L ’s bo y c o t t a gainst the
D a n b u r y h a t t e r s a c o n s p i r a c y in the r e s t r a i n t of t r a d e . 51 To
A s s o c i a t i o n members,
labor
in national
t hi s marked the f a i l u r e of o r ganized
politics,
d e m o n st r at i ng
"what power is in
t he h a n d s of the c o n s e r v a t i v e b u s i n e s s e l e m e n t s of this
country. " "We d e f e a t e d them in W a s h i n g t o n , " an n ounced
P r e s i d e n t Van C l e a v e in 1909.52
In the e lec t i o n year of
s t r u g g l e b etween caoital
the content
of nat ional
and
1908,
the
ideological
labor e x t e n d e d to the
party platforms.
In 1904,
p a r t y p l a t f o r m had i nc l u d e d AF of L planks.
of L sent d e l e g a t e s to Ch i ca g o to,
NAM,
issue of
naithar
In 1903,
the AF
in the o p inion of the
"frighten the R e p u b l i c a n National
C o m m i t t e e into
s a n c t i o n i n g their a n t i - D e m o c r a t i c , a n t i - R e p u b l i c a n
and
a n t i - A m e r i c a n p r o p a g a n d a . "53 To meet this challenge,
P r e s i d e n t Van C l e a v e and other of f i c i a l s j o u r ne y ed
C h i c a g o and with gre a t effort,
to
co n vi n ce d t h e national
p l a t f o r m c o m m i t t e e t o a b andon th e AF of L r esolutions.
d e f e a t e d t h e m o v e r w h e l m i n g l y , " gl oa t ed Van Cleave;
"We
the
"briars and t h i s t l e s of G o m p e r is m we r e cut d o w n , " po s tponing
t he i r p r e s e n c e as a national
four years.
political
is s u e for at least
Instead of enacting pro labor
items,
the
158
Republican
convention,
p a r t l y in r e s p o n s e to t h e current
l e g i s l a t i v e b a t t l e over a n t i - i n j u n c t o n bills in Congress,
p as s ed
a r e s o l ut i on a f f i r m in g t h e a u t h o r i t y of t h e courts,
"ever t o insist that t he i r p ow e r s shall
be preserved
i n v i o l a t e . "54
As early as 1906,
the A s s o c i a t i o n claimed a re w a r d
for i t s e f f o r t s to mou l d public o pi n i o n over th e p r e v i o u s
four years.
"Only a few years ago,
" trade u n i o n i s m u n r e s t ra i ne d
said President Parry,
and m i l i t a n t was ra pidly
f o r c i n g t he i n d u s t r i e s of this c o u n t r y t o a closed shop
b as i s. "
Public
a crime"
scabs,
favor and press s y m p a t h y had m ad e it "almost
to c r i t i c i z e t he unions.
v i o l e n c e and even murder
Lawmaikers feared political
"semi-SDcialistic"
s ou g ht
'.-lere generally condoned.
La bo r denounced j u d g e s w h o
But t h e N A M
t he n a t i o n of t h e first m a gn itude"
al t ho u gh winning
footing
f aced
ce rtain
in both the ideological
"rendered a s er v i c e to
through its e fforts to
r e v e r s e labor po w er in th e se areas.
labor,
as saults on
death unl e s s they supported
Isgislaton.
to uphold the law.
Strikes,
In the years since
1900,
" r e f o r m s , " had c le a r l y lost
and material
st r ug g l e as
an in c r e a s i n g l y o r g a n i ze d b u s i n e s s community.
it
Labor's
" p r o p a g a n d a of evil" h a d been n e u t r a l i z e d by a " p r o p a g a n d a
of g o o d . " P r e s i d en t P a r r y c la i m e d that four y ea r s of e f f o r t
h ad w i d e l y ex te n de d the open shop,
in
"r e sisting o r g a ni z ed
labor
legislation.
c o ercion"
and supported
to compel
l eg i s l a t o r s
them to enact
S t r i k e s we r e n o longer popular,
the p r e s s
159
no longer bi ased t o w a r d u n i o ns ,
t r a c k i n g down criminals.
c h an g es , "
and polic e do t h e i r d u t y in
"What h as brought about t h e s e
asked t h e P r e s i d e n t ? Organization.
"The r e s u l t s
a c h i e v e d t h r o u g h o r g a n i z a t i o n d u ri n g the past y e a r s a r e
p r o of s of t h e p ower of o r g a n i z a t o n ."55
By 1910,
its e f f o r t s of t h e p r e vi o us s e ve n y e a r s
c o n v i n c e d much of t h e p u b l i c and many of its elec t ed
o f f i c i a l s to o ffer major
Courts,
o p p o s i t i o n to labor ' s efforts.
t h e n e w s p a p e r s a n d en l i g h t e n e d publi c s e n t i m e n t
over t he c o u n t r y , " said V a n Cleave,
the AF of L.
and
so
"The
"hard blows "
Its a u t o c r a c y has been curbed.
i g no ran ce of
openly
dealt
its
l e a d e r s are not d isplayed
(them). T o d a y the life of
to
The a r r o g a n c e
so f r e e l y or
they w e re b e f o r e t h e law reached out
as
all
for
the AF of L is h a ng ing by a
t h r e a d ."56
Certainly,
and d if f i c u l t
the A s s o c i a t i o n ' s c l a im s w er e t o o b r o a d
to measure,
i d e ol o gy less s e c ur e than
and
its control
it boasted,
over
labor
but t he s e c l a i m s s e r ve
to i n d i c a t e the g o a l s of
i ts organ i ze d st r u g g l e on the
material
level.
and id e ological
And they i nd i c a t e the
v i c t o r y it could at l e as t
p a r t l y claim,
of u n i o n s and of t h e o p en
shop,
i n c r e as i ng control
based on d e s t r u c t i o n
defeat of labor l egislation,
over t r a d e education,
a g r o wi n g n ational
work e r a c q u i e s c e n c e to e m p l o y e r - l e d reforms,
mood,
that,
wh ile a c c e p t i n g
and a national
P ro g r e s s i v e r e f o r m s d e s i g n e d
part to d e f u s e c l a s s r a d i c a l i s m and p reserve p r o p e r t y
in
160
rights,
a lso a c q u i e s c e d
labor a n y control
in the u s e of s t a t e power to deny
over social
c h a n g e in the period.
lli^ I be I d e o l o g i c a l
The ideological
Struggle
issu e s t h at the Asso c ia t io n raised
c e n t e r e d a r ound a s ki n g and a n s w e r i n g four basic
questions:
What is labor? Do labor o r g a n i z a t i o n s h a v e t h e r i gh t to
exist,
and if so,
u n de r w hat c o n d i t i o n s ? Which best s e r v e s
th e i n t e r e s t s of society,
th e r e s p e c t i v e social
busines s me n s'
capital
or
la bor? And,
c o n s e q u e n c e s of labor and
organizations?
NAM d e f i n i t i o n s of labor fell
categories:
and d e f i n i t i o n s
NAM saw the labor
law,
into two general
a s s e r t i o n s about t h e n a t u r e
work i ng people,
reason,
what are
forc es of anarchy,
on one hand,
t y r a n n y and mob rule.
call
evil
leaders.
and t h e
Orga n iz e d labor wa s
r e q u i r i n g m a t u r e leadership,
r e p r e s e n t e d violence,
The
betwe e n the f o r ce s of
ind iv i du a li s m,
its t r u e i n t er e st s or natural
In his initial
labor organizati ons.
question as c o m b a t
l i be r ty and
at best pathetic,
of
of the cl ass of
u n a w a r e of
At worst,
it
and t h e d e s t r u c t i o n of society.
to arms in 1903,
P r e s i d e n t Parry
o u tl i ne d th e A s s o c i a t i o n ' s d e f i n i t i o n of unions:
Or g a n i z e d labor k n o w s but one law and
that is the law of physical f o r c e - the law of
t he H u n s and Vandals, t h e law of t h e savage. All
its p u r p o s e s are a c c o m p l i s h e d eithe r by actual
f o r c e or by the t hr e at of force. It does not
p l a ce its r e l i a n c e upon r e a s o n and justice, but
in strikes, boycotts, and c oercion. It is...a
mob power know i ng no m a st e r e x c e p t its own will.
161
Its h i st o r y is s t a i n e d with blood and ruin....
It e x t e n d s its t a c t i c s of co e rc i on and
in ti m i d a t i o n over all classes, d i ct a t i n g t o the
pre ss and to t he p o l i t i c i a n s and st r an g l i n g
i n d e p e n d e n c e of t h o u g h t . ...57
The A s s o c i a t i o n d i s c r e d i t e d labor by l i n k i n g
uncivilized
gone wild,
and s a v a g e behavior;
labor was a p r i m i t i v e mob
to be f e a r e d for its i n d i s c r i m i n a t e u s e of force.
Labor w a s not reas on a bl e ,
debate;
in short,
de l ib e r a t e or given to m a t u r e
not c i vilized.
La cking reason,
em pl o y e d the me t h o d s of unreason:
de ny i ng
law.
it to
labor
t h r e at e ni n g social
peace,
individual ism c h a l l e n g i n g the ru l e of r e a s o n and
To NAM leaders,
inte res ts of society,
f or c e s a c t i v e l y meet
this
situat i on demand e d that,
e m p l o y e r s embodying the o p p o s i n g
labor's
influence.
In t h e A s s o c i a t i o n ' s view,
o r d i n a r y moral
norms,
rather,
c o m m o n l y a c ce p te d moral
motivated
in the
labor did not a s c r i b e
it demanded e x e m p t i o n
and civil
standards.
to
from
It was
instead by e x p e d i e n c y and the p e r p e t u a t i o n of
its
own i n t e r e s t s which w e r e c o n t r a r y to t ho s e of t h e social
whole.
"I stand h e r e and say - b e ca u s e it is t r u e , "
e x p la i ne d one official,
"that
soul,
wi t h o u t an ambition,
wi t h o u t an ideal,
incentive,
w it h ou t
labor st a nd s t o d a y w i t h o u t a
a m o t i v e other than
'self
w i t h o u t an
and the nee ds
of the h o u r . "53 The e s s e n c e of t h e defin it i on of
t h e ve r y a n t i t h e s i s of social
In the p er i o d
labor
was
desirability.
1900-1910,
NAM i de o lo g y e x p r e s s e d
growing cl a s s fea rs a p r o p o s the manner that mo de r n
capital
162
viewed
labor;
NAM view,
p a r a n o i a and the fear of a p p r o p r i a t i o n . In the
labor e x p r e s s e d an attitude t o w a r d p r o p e r t y that
b elied a si ml ul t a n e o u s co veting and r e s e n t m e n t of wealth.
This ca u s e d
labor t o mi s t a k e the source of
its m i s e r y in
o t h e r ’s o w n e r s h i p of w ea l th and be blind t o its tr u e source,
l a b o r ’s not d e s e r v i n g w ealth in the first place.
Thus,
l a b o r ’s a ttack on p r o p e r t y found its s o u r c e in t h e baser
human impulses:
hate,
e n vy and jealousy.
st r ik e out b l i n d l y a g a i n s t capital
p ublic enemy,
as t h o u g h
"oftentimes
it w er e a
a t t e m p t i n g to destroy that w h i c h t he y
t h e m s e l v e s are g r e e d y to possess,
in the h a n d s of ot her s . "
wealth
Workers
because
it h a p p e n s to be
Labor leaders g e n e r a t e d
and a b i l i t y among those who p oss ess ed
a hatred
neither.
of
Their
"i nc e nd i ar y s p e e c h e s at tempt to stir up m en to s e iz e by
physical
fo r ce t h at which their merit c an n o t
obtain for
t h e m . " AF of L s p o n s o r e d anti-injunction bills,
Emery,
were
said James
"an a t t e m p t to obliterate t he p r o p e r t y rights
they c a n n o t d e n y . "59
T he R e v e r e n d M a ur i c e Wilson i ncited c l a s s anxiety
th e ass e mb l ed A s s o c i a t i o n as he described
l a b o r ’s anger:
[they] sting themselves in t o a ra g e
a gainst t h e e d uc a t e d c lasses since t h e y could
not b e e d u c a t e d themselves; they c a n n o t e n d u r e
what see m s like s up e riority on the p a r t of
others. S o in e v e r y department of lif e men are
s eeking t o d e s t r o y that which they c a n n o t enjoy
t h e m s e l v e s r at h e r than see it e nj o y e d by
o t h e r s . 60
So
long as p o p u l a r discontent wa s a "rational
and
in
163
m a n l y at t em p t"
to br i ng reform,
"it is a cc e p t a b l e . "
"bitterness,
co nt i nu e d R e v e r e n d Wilson,
But when pop u la r d i s c o n t e n t t u r n s to
e n v y and je al o us y ,
and a m e n a c e t o social
order.
i t . . . b e c o m e s m a n i f e s t l y evil
It r e t a r d s g r o w t h and social
b e t t e r m e n t ."61
N AM i d e o l o g y c o n s i s t e n t l y d i vo r c e d moral
e c o no m i c
spheres,
c l a i m i n g th e e x i s t e n c e of essential
d i f f e r e n c e s in t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s of e c o n o m i c
law.
W i t h i n t h i s context,
moral
r e d u c e the e l e m e n t of
and den y its huma n
law and moral
that b u s i n e s s is b u s i n e s s and
c o n s i d é r â t ! ons s o m e t h i n g else,
the N A M sou g ht to
labor to its basic e c o n o m i c function
qualities,
L a b o r , to t he N A M , was
ch eap est
r e s erv ing th e s e to itself.
a c o m m o d i t y to be bou ght
mark et with out
fur the r
obligation,
in the
as one would
a c q u i r e any o t h e r item n e c e s s a r y for production.
material
commodity,
each
of la b or ' s individual
f u n c t i o n e d e q u a l l y in t h e market;
t o s h a r e its benefits.
of the
d e t e r m i n e d by the
plane,
NAM o f f i c i a l s
"pure"
reducing
social
economics.
labor owners
insisted that
on such a
w i t h o u t r esort to its old tricks,
t he y could e a s i l y m a n i p u l a t e t h e labor
ends,
chance
" i n e v i t a b l e operation"
c o ul d be f o r c e d to deal with c apital
n aked e c o n o m i c
parts
d i s c h a r g e d f u l l y by the
law of s u p p l y an d demand.
if labor
As a
each had an equal
T h e o n l y ob l ig a ti o n to
in cu r re d was an e c o n o m i c one,
p a y m e n t of a wage,
and
or p ol i tical
then
issue to their own
q u e s t i o n s t o on e s of
If labor was a commodity,
t h e e d ucation of
164
labor had a com me r ci a l
on t h i s level
value,
and,
as n ot e d earlier,
it was
- the r e d u c t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n c o s t s - that t he
NAM a p p r o a c h e d the t r a d e school
was a commodity,
question.
But alth ou g h labor
th e s t i m u l u s t o w o rk p e r f or m an c e,
until t h e
adve nt of S c i e n t i f i c M a n a g e m e n t , w a s l a r g e l y a matter of
moral
e xhortation.
U n i o n s w e r e a special
v e n om was reserved.
as t he K n i g h t s of
e n e m y for w h i c h t h e b i t t er e st
E m p l o y e r s had r eg a r d e d e a r l y u ni o ns such
labor a s criminal
of fenses,
even before
the S u p r e m e C o urt s p e c i f i e d their s t a t u s a s c o m b i n a t i o n s in
re s t r a i n t of trade.
In c o u n t e r i n g u n i on influence,
e m p l o y e r s w er e certa in that
pr ot e c t i n g
and u p h o l d i n g t he law.
a c k n o w l e d g e d and ap p r o v e d
practices,
they f ul f i l l e d
of
A l th oug h
a civil
most
duty by
the Ass oci ati on
"true" union p r i n c i p l e s and
t h e s e had been p e r v e r t e d by " an a r c h i s t i c and
s o c i a l i s t i c te n de n c i e s "
t h r ou g h which
labor had engi n ee r ed
its own d i f f i c u l t i e s . 62 R e p e a t e d l y c l a i m i n g that
o p p o s e o rg a n i z e d
labor per se,
the A s s o c i a t i o n
it did not
nevertheless
c e n t e r e d t h e d e b a t e over u n i o n s a r ou n d c o n d i i o n s for their
v er y existence,
extralegal
b r a n d i n g a lmost all
and j u s t i f y i n g
a ct i v i t y w a s l a r g e l y
union r e g u l a t i o n s
its a t t a c k on t h e s e grounds.
" l aw l es s and s o c i a l i s t i c " , and many
the em p l o y e r
sh ould t a k e his stand
The m e s s a g e was clear.
w ere legitimate;
Union
" c on t ra r y to t h e law and r i g h t s of m a n . "
For t h e s e reasons,
a ga inst them.
union a c t i v i t y as
in reality,
T h e o r e t i c a l l y u nions
s o c i a l l y harmful
and inviting
165
repression.
"It is m a n i f e s t l y to the i nt e re s ts of the pe o p l e
at l a r g e , " a d vi s e d P r e s i d e n t K i r b y at t h e 1903 convention,
"that o rg a n i z e d
labor be de n ie d r e c o g n i t i o n e v e r y w h e r e until
its p ast b l a c k e n e d
rec o rd
is bl o tt e d o u t . "63 Thus e m p l o y e r s
of the NA M met union p r e s e n c e w ith dismissals,
leaders,
b l a c k l i s t s and
lockouts.
removal
of
Labor u n i o n s d e s e r v e d the
right to exist o n l y when thy did not t hr e a t e n capital.
The Association detailed
d e n u n c i a t i o n of
labor:
in tim i d a t i n g
press
power through terrorism,
classes,
and the p oli ticians;
es p e c a i l l y due process;
ranks;
and dictating to employers,
destr oyi ng
coe r c i n g unwill ing
d e p r e s s i o n s by c u r t a i l i n g production;
g r a n d e s t tru s t of the times,
social
entity,
individual
d em a n d i n g an a r b i t r a r y division
To the NAM,
the
laws forbid d in g p r o p e r t y d e s t r u c t i o n
maintaining
other
for its
u n i o n s w er e gui l ty of d e ma n d i n g
p r i v i l e g e of v i o l a t i n g
and violence;
"just causes"
labor
of wealth;
the
rights,
into their
causing
and fo rm i ng the
t h e mu sc l e t r u s t . 64
one of the mos t i n si d i o u s t h r e a t s to
p e a c e the A F of L pos e d was its e x i s t e n c e a s an alien
not
loyal
in our midst,"
to the U ni t e d States.
said Counsel
s tat e w i t h i n a state,
Emery,
"There ha s grown up
"impe r iu m in imperio,
a
a p p e a l i n g and n o u r i s h i n g t h a t pe c ul i ar
t h i n g ... cl ass c o n s c i o u s n e s s . " The AF of L "sets the de c re e s
of
its l ea d e r s a bo v e the laws of the land,"
" a b s o l u t i s m which v i o l a t e s the ord e rs of
denounces
r e p r e s e n t i n g an
its courts,
its j u d g e s and r e p u d i a t e s the a u t h o r i t y of the
166
nation."
And even H o l y Writ
a ga inst itself
“t e l l s us that a h o u se di v i d e d
c a n n o t s t a n d . " C i t in g the e x a m pl e of t h e Five
C iv i l i z e d T r i b e s as
"a g o v e r n m e n t with i n a g o ve r n m e n t , "
E mery r e c o u n t e d t h e ir a b o l i t i o n as s e p ar a te n a t i o n s and
forced m er g in g
government,
"into t h e m a s s of t h e c i t i z e n s h i p . " T h e U.S.
h e said,
s h o ul d deal
just as it d ea l t with t h e
w it h the AF of L t h r e a t
Indian,
ove rp o we r in g
f or cing t h e m t o a d h e r e to " a c c e p t e d " legal
l e a d e r s and
and social
n o r m s . 65
The A s s o c i a t i o n took n o m o r e a bsolute p o s i t i o n than
that of
After
its
1903,
closed
"unalterable antagonism"
it joined t rade a s s o c i a t i o n s
in t h e atta ck
on
s h o p . 66 The NAM a l w a y s clai med to p r omo te p e ace
between
labor
and capital,
but a closer exa mi n a t i o n r e v e a l s
it to be the p e a c e of the open
c o nt i ng e nt on liberty,
critical
liberty,"
Industrial
p e a c e was
w hich in turn depended on the
For t h i s reason,
shop as the
Ame ri c an
shop.
f r e e d o m of t he indi v id u al
open shop.
member,
to the closed shop.
to work:
in short,
the
t h e Asso c ia t io n bi lled t h e open
" f u n d a m e n t a l , b a s ic p ri n c i p l e of A m er i ca n
for it was s y n o n y m o u s with
individual
freedom.
i n d e p e n d e n c e was to our f o r e f a t h e r s , " d e c l a r e d
"As
a
"so t h e open shop is t o the employer t o t o d a y . "67
And it i n t e r l o c k e d n o t i o n s of
individual
shop with r e w a r d a c c o r d i n g to merit,
ener g y which g e n e r a t e d progress,
libe rt y and open
ascribing to t h e m the
individual
and national.
Only the open shop p r o v i d e d t h e op p o r t u n i t y for free
167
I nd i v i d u a l s t o d e m o n s t r a t e t heir superior
individual
merit.
T h e f re e
w a s c o m p e l l e d to think out hi s own p r o b l e m s and
rely on his own
a b i l i t y and industry,
and
it w a s by t h e s e
s k il l s t h a t h e w a s r i g h t l y h i r ed and j us t ly paid by
busi n e s s m e n :
T he e f f i c i e n t p r o d u c e m o r e t han t h e
i n e f f i c i e n t and r ea p a high er reward. T hi s is
o n l y c o m m o n j ustice. A man is e n t it l ed to what
he earns, n o more, no less, and no m a nn e r h o w
much a h e w e r of w oo d or drawer of water h e may
be, he must c o n s t a n t l y feel the prod or
i n c e n t i v e to m a k e himse l f more p r o f i c i e n t and
i n t e l 1 i g e n t .68
Conversely,
c o n s t it u ti o na l
t h e cl osed shop wa s an i n v as i on of the
r i g h t s of the U.S.
manhood of the i n d i vi d ua l ,
sacred nati o na l
ideals"
workman
and t h u s the
and would d e s tr o y the
"most
if not r e v e r s e d .
To t h e A s s o c i a t i o n ,
the ir r e s p o n s i b i l i t y and
v i o l e n c e u n i o n s m a n i f e s t e d could be c u r b ed by f o r c i n g
incorpo ra t io n .
If u n i o n s
t hem to r e s p e c t
r e s po n s i b l e , "
incorporated,
t h e i r contracts.
s a i d Van Cleave,
leaders and t h e i r
d i l i ge n ce
theirs,
and g o od
compel
"They should be l e g a l l y
"so that the law can
t h e m , " just as i n c o r p o r a t e d capital
v i ol a te s its a g r e e m e n t s .
c o u r t s c ou l d
their
r e ac h
is p u n i s h a b l e w he n
it
C i t in g t h e a r b i t r a r i n e s s of u n io n
disregard
of pledges,
and n ot i ng t h e
i n t e n t i o n s of e mp l o y e r s in f u l f i l l i n g
Van C l e a v e in s i s t e d that the law step
in and f o r ce
the d u t i e s and r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of both s id e s to be
"reciprocal
and e q u a l . "69
O v e r t l y and by implication,
much of NAM i d e o l o g y
168
branded
labor
as u n i n t e l l i g e n t
and ignorant.
The Association
i ns ulted the i n t e l l i g e n c e of labor and at t ac k ed
The i g no r a n c e of
labor,
that it w a s d e s t i n e d
Association
to follow,
not
an a dd r e s s to h i s f e l l o w members.
create;
it can only ex e c u t e . "
only creator
and
of Political
lead,
said C.W.
Post
he continued;
"mind is t h e
and material
Gompers,
ridiculed the
Gompers'
discussion
too ls to
its c r e a t i o n s . "70 Chief
S c i e n c e which fo l l o w e d one by Samuel
labor
y;as an
leader to the assemblage.
"ill ustrsiti on of th e con fus i o n s "
which ari se from f a i l u r e to cl ear ly grasp the facts;
Mr.
"that wh i ch he but h a l f - a p p r e h e n d e d . "
proved no n e of his c o n te n t i o n s ,
f un damental
in
in an a d d r e s s to the Am e r i c a n A c a d e m y
and Social
Gom per s de fe n d e d
mea n t
labor cannot
it u s e s physical
J am e s Emery,
lea d er s explained,
"Physical
car r y out and e x p r e s s in material,
Counsel
its leaders.
He
but rather v i ol a te d
p r i n c i p l e s of j u s t i c e in a t ta c ki n g
court
i n j u n c t i o n s . 71
A s s o c i a t i o n p r o n o u n c e m e n t s held that
constituted a
this,
" t h o u g h t l e s s mob
c ou p l e d with t h e i r
the downfall
full
savagery,
of the R e p u b l i c
of
l a bo r er s
i g norant men,"
and
would e v e n t u a l l y spell
if u nc o nt r o l l e d
by "mind."
L ab o r ' s w i l l i n g n e s s to u s e v i o l e n c e indica t ed a more s e r i o u s
pr ob l em ro ot e d
in an
i g n o r a n c e of ec o no m ic
laws.
A lt h o u g h
sound ec o n o m i c p r i n c i p l e s had been e s t a b l i s h e d with the
"clear and c o h e r e n t p r o p o s i t i o n s
the R e pu b l i c , "
labor
laid down by th e f a t h e r s of
paid no attention.
Rather,
it d e f e r r e d
169
to the
"evil
in fl u en c e" of the AF of L ’s "sp e ci o us th e or i e s
and m e a n i n g l e s s p l a t i t u d e s on t he su bject of e c o n o m i c s , " th e
" exploded t h e o r i e s of Carl
s o p h i s t r i e s of Samuel
M a r x " and the i n g e n u ou s
G o m p e r s . "72 To the Association,
basic lack of u n d e r s t a n d i n g
led to err o ne o us t h e o r i e s that
l a b o r ’s c o n d i t i o n could be improved by
and m a ki n g
strikes.
this
"checking pro d uc t io n
life and p r o p e r t y i n s e c u r e , " i.e.,
t h e use of
Ignorant men g e n e r a t e ignorant theories,
ob s er v ed
Mr. Post:
T h e r e is a m i s l e ad i ng t h eo r y put forth
by so m e s o c i a l i s t i c labor t h e o ri s ts that ’labor
c r e a t e s all we a lt h and t h e r e f o r e all wealth
b e l o n g s to l a b o r . ’ This false th eor y s o m et ime s
p r o d u c e s . ..an i nfe ren ce that the workman created
the factory, and why not take it and run it.
That idea is the u n d e r lyi ng cause of so me labor
d i s t u r b a n c e s that never would occur if e v e r y
wo rk m an had a clean cut k n owledge of the facts
and r i g h t s of the c i t i z e n . 73
To t h e NAM,
the unsuccessful
st ri k es of
l a b o r ’s e c on o m i c d o c t r i n e s to an e x treme test,
found wanting.
1903 put
and they w er e
T h e f a i l u r e of t he s tr i ke s o ffered or g an i ze d
labor a "v al u ab l e lesson
in ec on o mi c s and law o b s e r v a n c e , "
d e clared P r e s i d e n t P a r r y . 7 4 As capital
labor d i s p u t e s after
1900,
i n cr e a s i g l y won in
uni o ns lost footing,
open shops
proli f e r a t e d , and s t r i k e s were in c r e a s i n g l y b r o k e n or
negotiated.
T h e s e events,
Pa rr y held,
at once vi n di c at e d
c a p i t a l ’s e co n o m i c t h e o r i e s and pr e ached to labor the
fa ls i ty of theirs.
To NAM officials,
l a b o r ’s lack of
int e ll i ge n ce
170
c reated t h r e e ad d itional
problems:
labor did not r e c o g n i z e
its own true i n t e r e s t s or see its s i tuation clearly;
not fo l l o w its natural
b enefact o rs ,
own evil
natural
labor leaders,
t h e is s ue of
le a de r sh i p c o u l d be settled by l a b o r ’s rightful,
leaders,
their b o s s e s w h o held in their h a n d s
but o n ly
If labor o f f i c i a l s we re not true
"s o - c a l l e d labor
of p r e t e n d e r s , " then,
labor
for their
it ag a in s t the ow n in g class.
i n f l u e n c e of
l a b o r ’s ve r y livelihood.
leaders,
pr ey t o d e m a g og u es who,
manipulated
Given the baneful
industrial
l ea d e r s or r e c o g ni z e its t r u e
and it fell
ends,
it did
ap ar t
leaders,
a r a v e n o u s band
f r o m its ignorance,
not r e c o g n i z e o w n e r s as its rightful
o f f i c i a l s ev inced a h i s t ori cal
w h y did
leaders?
NAM
understan din g of th e problem:
Our g r e a t e s t t r o u b l e s have been b r ou g h t
upon us due to t h e fact that we have a ll o we d
o u r s e l v e s to d r i f t away f r o m our men, and
p e r m it t ed the w a l k i n g d e l e g a t e and others
a n t a g o n i s t i c or i n d i f f e r e n t to the i n t e r e s t s of
t he em p lo y e r to mo l d t he o pi n io n s of t h o s e who
work for us with t h e i r h a n d s . 75
NAM o f f i c i a l s r e c o g n i z e d the p a t e r n a l i s m and social
h a r m o n y of an age go ne b y when
s e e m i n g l y g u a r a nt e ed an
capital
after
and labor.
ideological
i d e n t i t y of i n terests be t w e e n
a c r i s i s in labor leadership.
U n a b l e to lead itself e f f i ci e nt l y,
c ontrol,
To the NAM,
t o wrest
by o wners
But the s oc i o e c o n o m i c t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s
1370 p r e c i p i t a t e d
demagogues.
control
labor fell
p r e y to
the p r o b l e m was to re ga i n paternal
labor f r om t he hands of its " u n n a t u r a l "
l e a de r s and it was p a r t l y fr om this p e r s p e c t i v e t ha t after
171
1910 it began to sup p or t e m p l o y e r sp o nsored
" re forms"
in the
w o r k p l a c e . 76
By its refusal
labor s uf f er e d
t o ac c e p t the l e ad ership of capital,
from t h e
" co r r u p t and m a l i ci o us r u l e of the
least i nt e l l i g e n t p o r t i o n of
labor," the " s o ci a li s t
a g i t a t o r s and d e m a g o g u e s , " th e
a r m ed with th e k n o w l e d g e of
"rampant
who,
l ab o r ' s lack of u n d e rs t an d in g ,
" ap p ealed to p r e j u d i c e and envy"
c o l l e c t i v e m i n d wi t h evil
labor men"
and
"filled
[labor's]
t h o u g h t s and s u c c e s s f u l l y
e n c o u r ag e d t h e m t o de fy t h e v e r y s o ur c e of their d a i l y
b r e a d . "77 Th e A s s o c i a t o n
r e s e r v e d special
a t t a c k s for
G o m p e r s and E u g e n e Debs,
bra nd i n g them as
ignoramuses,
b l o o d l e s s criminals,
f e a t h e r b e d s and m o u n t e b a n k s . Union
le ad e r s were ag e n t s who fo rce d
u n i o n i s m down to the l ow e s t
and violence.
Rational,
do not fall p re y to such
and
the intellectual
level
t o n e of
by f om enting c l a s s hatred
t h i n k i n g men,
s op h istry,
NAM l e a d e r s believed,
as do th e t h o u g h t l e s s
ignorant.
Labor
e l e m e n t behind
l e a d e rs h ip w as
strikes,
a n a r c h i c f o r c e sin c e
t h e state.
id e ntified as the d a n g e r o u s
an el em e nt that r e p r e s e n t e d
it in s t i g a t e d
an
labor v i o l e n c e and defied
"There a re n o such d a n g e r o u s a n a r c h i s t s in our
m i d s t , " w a rn e d P r e s i d e n t K i r b y
"as th o s e labor l e a d e r s who
i n s t i g a t e s t r i k e s and then aid and abet the t h u g s who
p e r p e t r a t e th e m u r d e r o u s a s s a u l t s on men who see fit to go
t o work when the st r i k e
is o n . "78 Pre s id e nt Van C l e a v e cited
172
th e alien s ou r c e of
labor radicalism,
from other nations,
all
unrestrained
c ommunities,
t h e m o re d a n g e r o u s b e c a u s e
by n a t i o n a l i s t
of p e r s o n s who,
c r i m i n a l s and o ut casts
in Russia,
thr o w b o m b s
loyalty,
th e
"spiritual
kinsman
T u r k e y or o t he r s e m i - c i v i l i z e d
into churches,
c ro w d e d s t r e e t s and m u r d e r
p u b l i c h a l l s or
innocent p e o p l e . "79
T h e l aboring p o p u l a t i o n ’s po rt r ai t e m e r g e d as that
of a m i n d l e s s mob which
fo l lo w e d any a gi t a t o r w h o could
in fl a me its c l a s s passions.
not e v a l u a t e
leadership,
l ab o re r s w o ul d not ha t c h
property;
Labor could not reason,
but o n ly followed.
could
B y themselves,
d a n g e r o u s s ch e m e s or v i o l a t e
it took the c a t a l y s t of le ade rsh ip
to spur them to
ac ti o n .
U n d e r l y i n g all
its accusations,
the M A M c o n s is t en t ly
pr es s ed th e idea that t h e r e w a s som e th i ng
c o n s pi r at o ri a l
in labor.
inherently
The Rev e re n d M a u r i c e Wil s on
ad mi t te d to t h e m e m b e r s h i p that u n i o n i s m c o n s t i t u t e d a
"c o ns p ir a cy a g ai n s t bo th the individual
e x e r c i ses a " d e s p ot i sm that
and even worse,
and t h e s t a t e . "
It
is w it h ou t m e r c y , " he charged,
it is "v iolent and v i ru l e n t
in its methods,
d efiant of the laws of t he land and c o n t e m p t u o u s of its
c o urts."
D i r e c t e d at t h e heart of t h e nation,
c o n s p i r a c y was c ar r i e d
b o y co t t and picket,
the
the
out by the use of the u n - A m e r i c a n
"m e th o ds not of s t r i k e r s but of
highwaymen."SO
O f f i c i a l s b r a n d e d all
labor a c t i v i t y as c o n s p i ra c y
17:
and subversion:
" o r ga n iz e d labor
is t e a c h i n g
p r i n c i p l e s . ..tha t are s u b v e r s i v e of g o v e rn m en t .
criminal
conspir ac i es ,
b o y c o t t s are crimes;
a p p r e n t i c e s is mu r d e r to t h e nation;
socialism;
and a n t i - i n j u n c t i o n
S tr i k e s are
l im i ta t io n of
the ei gh t hour law is
is a n a r c h y . "81 T h e s p ec t re of
an a rc h y e n g e n d e r e d a v e h e m e n t r e s p o n s e f r o m t h e Rever e nd
Wilson,
moral
a d d r e s s i n g the 1909 co n ve n t i o n on the f o rt h co m in g
and e c o n o m i c b a t t l e s b e tw e e n
tw en t i e t h century.
warned,
Labo r
labor and capital
a na r c h y a bo unded
c o n s t i t u t i n g a "treason still
the U.S.,
the
re c ei v e no
Anarchy,
ignorance,
in t h e land,
treason,
conspiracv,
despotism,
businessmen
function,
as br o a d m i nd e d
e mb o d i m e n t of t he V i c t o r i a n
represented
and public spirited,
social
ideal.
a
th e very
The d i r e c t o r s of
a "body of men who are a t t e m p t i n g upon
sound p r i n c i p l e s and wit h right motives,
kindness,
of capital
p o r t r a y i n g m a n u f a c t u r e r s and
ci vi l i z i n g and e v e n d i v i n e l y i ns pired force,
capital
amorali t y ,
In con t r a s t to t h i s p i c t u r e of labor
d e m a g o g u e r y , NA M r h e t o r i c of f e r e d a d e f i n i t i o n
and its social
[must]
land of the S t a r s and S t r i p e s . "32
in t h e
corr Li p t i o n .
he
to be put d o w n . " In
"p o is o n o u s d o c t r i n e s of t h e red flag
q uarter
in the
and t hr o u g h
c o u r t e s y and self s a c r i f i c e . ..t o e s t a b l i s h
p e r m a n e n t l y p e a c e a b l e and
m a n . "83 Annually,
m in isterial
sound r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n mas t er and
the a s s e m b l e d m e m b e r s h i p h e a r d a
exhortation
a f f i r m i n g the r i g h t n e s s and social
b e n e f i c i e n c e of their efforts;
businessmen were
"righteous
174
people"
and,
by c o nt rast,
t h e r e f o r e was evil.
labor
loved u n r i g h t e o u s n e s s and
G od himself,
Young tol d t h e A s so c i a t i o n ,
t h e R e v e r e n d S.
Edw a rd
was the "Great M a n u f a c t u r e r ";
lesser m a n u f a c t u r e r s c a r r i e d out h is work on earth.
ta k e thy material
"We
in o u r h a n d s and make it m o r e m a r k e ta b le , "
he as s ur e d th e A s s o c i a t i o n . 84 F r equent u s e of t h e ph r a s e
"the gospel
of i nd u st r ia l
truth"
further
s u g g e s t e d d i vi n e
or ig i n of th e t e n e t s of capital.
Se c on d o n l y t o t h e div i ne was p a t r i o t i c
for the pow e r of capital,
preserved
"A m er i ca n is m ":
which we r e the
chief
which,
to A s s o c i a t i o n
le g it i m a c y
members,
the li b er t y and p r o p e r t y r ig h t s
" c o r n e r s t o n e of modern
ai m of the N A M , said
civilization."
The
P res ide nt Pa rry was
the p u r e l y p a tr i o t i c one of d e f e n d i n g
hum an liberty.
B u s i n e s s and p a t r i o t i s m go hand
in hand.
I n d u s t r i a l i s m is bénéficient,
c i v i l i z i n g and uplif ti n g.
It is t h e e n e m y of
war, of despo ti s m, of i g n or a nc e and poverty.
In
truth, its f o e s are t h e f oes of m a n k i n d . 85
Finally,
justification
that
"all
Association
le ad e rs of f er e d h i storical
for t h e i r c au s e and
its prin c ip l es ,
as s e r t i n g
h i s t o r y p r o v e s that pr o gr e s s is the universal
of n a t u r e and that t h e t ru t h ever com es u pp e rm o st ,
law
and ever
is ju s t i c e d o n e . "86
Th e NAM p r o m o t e d th e ri g i d i t y and r i g h t n e s s of
natural
curb
law upon wh i c h
muc h of their i d eo l o g y w a s based.
l a b o r ’s "impro p er t h e o r i e s and u nsound p r in c ip l es " ,
o ffered
" u nr e pe a le d and u n r e p e a l a b l e , " e c o n o m i c a l l y sound
To
it
175
and just t h eo r i e s which
gr ou n ds . "
qu es t io n
"cannot be a s sa i l e d on an y se ns i bl e
In co n tr a st t o labor wh i ch b e li e v e d
that
is s u s c e p t i b l e of a r b i t r a t i o n ," that
f undamental
v e r i t i e s upon which human
the r e are
"repeal
the N AM p r om o t e d the e x i s t e n c e of
t h e law of
"e le m en t ar y
t h e o r i e s which ca n no t be sacrificed,"
for
su r r e n d e r e d or c ompromised,
is gone and truth
itself
then
"all
"no
l i fe is b a s e d , " that
it would be p o s s i b l e by le gi s la t io n to
gravity",
"every
if t h e y were
be c o m e s a s h a d o w . "87
The "soundness" of As s o c i a t i o n e c o n o m i c p r i n ci p le s
de r iv e d
from their a d h e r a nc e to the r i g i d i t i e s of natural
law and classical
c o n st itu tio n
economi c s , than.selves e n s c o n c e d in a
written by and for men of property.
words of one A sso c i a t i o n
official,
"the p r i n c i p l e s for which
we stand are d et e r m i n e d and fixed p r i nc i pl e s, "
your
ideas or m i n e , " but rather the
r e c e i v e d from others,
In the
th e y are
"not
"h e ritage we have
t he w isdom of all
the p ast."
De t e r m i n e d ever si nc e t h e " foundations of E n g l i s h and
A me r i c a n
law b e g a n , " t h e s e great
pa ss e d on t h ro u gh th e
fr ee d om , "
"immortal
t hrough the U.S.
and eternal
p r i n c i p l e s were
d o c u m en t that
ann o un c ed our
Constitution,
of our cou r ts in mod e rn days...."
to th e
"decisions
The e c o n o m i c
g u i d el i ne s
of the NAM w er e no t h i n g more than the
of Am e ri c an go v e r n m e n t
"same old pr i nc i pl e s
applied once and fo r ev e r
so lu t i o n of th e industrial
question."
And
to the
it w a s upon those
p r i n c i p l e s that the N A M sought to e s t a b l i s h in ind u st r y
176
t h o s e e conomic p o l i c i e s for which
As ser tin g t h e s e pri nciples,
p erson should be
"the country"
NAM labor po lic y held tha t no
" d i sc rim ina ted against"
but th at the w o r k e r
stood.
by union practices,
"should work w h e r e he p l e a s e s and for
what he pi e a s e s . "88 T h e s e w e r e not p r i v i l e g e s for wor kin g
men,
but
"natural
go ver nme nt. "
r i g h t s born of God and g u a r a n t e e d
And
the Association,
by the
it was upon these ironclad g u a r a n t e e s that
c o n s c i o u s of the " c o rre ctn ess and j u s t n e s s
of its p o s i t i o n , " deci ded
labor policy.
And th e r e wou ld
never be a "p e r m a n e n t and sa tis f a c t o r y and c o m p l e t e
industrial
p e a c e , " war n e d
founded upon sound
James Emery,
"except
ec o n o m i c s and fundamental
it b e a peace
Ame ric an
pr i n c i p 1e s ."39
Alth oug h the NAM itself ac tiv ely pro mo led c l a s s
i n t e res ts in its p r o p a g a n d a appeal,
it co nce ale d
i nt ere sts und er t h o s e of so cie ty as a whole.
Parr y e x p l ai ned t h e ide nti ty of industrial
such
President
i n t e r e s t s and the
common good:
T he A s s o c i a t i o n does not exist for
political power, for aggression of the r i g h t s of
others or for t h e individual p rofit of its
members.
It
sta n d s solely for the common good not the c o m m o n good of its m emb e r s alone, but
th e common good of the wh ole peop le c o n s t i t u t i n g
the nation.
Its one plat for m is that wh ate ver
ad van c e s A m e r i c a n i ndu str y adv an c e s the material
p r o s p e r i t y of the e n t i r e A mer ica n people, and
w ha tever is de tri mental to Ame ric an ind ust ry
r ed u c e s t h e wages, t he profits, and the material
co mfo rts of th e enti re people.
This p l a t f o r m
br eat h e s t h e
spi rit of true patriotism.
It als o
b re at h e s the
s pirit of good will to all.
It is
the h i g h e s t f o r m of altruism.
S i n c e t h e d e v e lop men t of ind ust ry is for
177
the hi gh e s t good of the en tir e people, it
f o l l o w s t h a t e v e r y industrial question m u s t be
c o n s i d e r e d fr om the standpo int of its b e a r i n g
up on ind ust ria l d e v e l o p m e n t . "90
To the NAM, an yth i n g which br i n g s b e n e f i t to
in dus t r y a u t o m a t i c a l l y g u a r a n t e e s p ro s p e r i t y a n d p r o g r e s s
for t h e social
whole.
W hat eve r does this is pa tri oti c,
me an i n g and
free of selfish nes s.
f un ct i o n of
capital
interests against
to th em and,
labor
must co nsider all
p a r t i c u l a r l y l a b o r ’s viewpoint,
stated
goal."
leader,
e s p e ci all y
is based upon
sy mpa t h y or v i s i ona ry
are u n - A m e r i c a n
b enefit
Any other viewpoint,
in t he D e c l a r a t i o n of Principles,
le gi s l a t i o n
issues,
f r o m th e st andpoint of what will
misplaced
"all
and detrimental
"prejudice,
ideas."
As
f o r m s of class
to our common
"We ask for no c l a s s p r i v i l e g e s , ” said an As soc iat ion
"and o n l y
Thus,
insist that non e be granted t o o t h e r s . "91
w h i l e m a i n t a i n i n g that its goals and me th o d s
r e m a i n e d u n t a i n t e d by self
interest,
capital
castigated
labor for p r o m o t i n g t he na r r o w int ere sts of class.
capital
both
to the w orking p e o p l e and the
i n d u s t r y = t h e peopj.e=the nati o n .
class hatred,
political
l oss es which would p erforce b e fatal
Cap ita l
questions,
and
w a s to g u a r a n t e e the industrial
by extension,
wh ole country.
The social
well
b est u n d e r s t o o d a nd em bod i e d social
i mp l i c a t i o n
it ser ved
T h e r e f o r e capital
all
its components,
Si nce
interes ts,
including
by
labor.
must o pp o s e at tem p t s to fo r c e a nar r o w
rang e of c o n d i t i o n s f a v o r a b l e only to labor on t h e larger
social
body.
Th e NA M de cla r e d that
it used
"e ver y sing le
173
f or ce that
[it] could p o ssi bly e x e r t , " to protect the
"fundamental
r i g hts "
that a t t emp ted
any m a rke t
of c i t ize ns again st either coiiibinations
to "mo n o p o l i z e any market in material..,
or
in its l a b o r . "92 And it ren der ed an essential
s e r v i c e to s o c i e t y in p r o tec tin g
p e r s o n i f i e d by u n i o n s and their
it f r om the r ang e of e vils
leaders.
Capital
r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of the NAM pictured t h e m s e l v e s as off eri ng
an i ns p i r i n g e x a m p l e to the lower orders.
1908 annual
Waldorf
meeting
A speaker at
the
in t h e banqu et room of N e w York C i t y ’s
A s t o r i a s u r v e y e d the floor with its dining t a b l e s
and well
dress ed g e n t l e m e n
and observed :
t hat the wage earner of the present dav
(ehoLild) lock on this pictur e and be inspired
wit.h d e t e r m i n a t i o n to work upward to y our 1 evsi
instead of imbib ing the spirit of anarchy and
socialism, wh ich aims downward toward
e q u i 1 i z ati on with the l o w e s t . 93
O f f i c i a l s e n c o u r a g e d membe rs to stand as e x a m p l e s
which would e n f o r c e m i l i t a r y f orms of obedience,
in t h e h e art s of your e m p loy es
and d ev o t i o n that a faithful
(sic)
to
"create
t h e feeling of p r i d e
soldiery has for a noble,
t rue
c a p t a i n . "94
In co n t r a s t to t he d i sru pti ve prese nce of
capital
social
e m bo die d the only f o rc e which at tempted to p r e s e r v e
peace.
It lent t h e power of its efficiency,
o r g a n i z a t i o n and
national
of
labor,
situation."
labor would
methods.
i n f l u e n c e to "control
rath er
Capital,
and quiet the
the rational,
avoid strife;
capital
natural
leader
used n onv i o l e n t
"It s ee ms re p u g n a n t to our ideas of t w en tie th
179
ce n tur y c i v i l i z a t i o n to fight out this qu e s t i o n
gladiatorial
arena.
should not seek
[We] do not d e s i r e s t r i f e and
i t . "95
A s s oci ati on
"b e c a u s e t h ose
t h ing s which are g a ine d by viol enc e are half
pr ef e r r i n g
labor
l e a d e r s deni grated labor
g ains achie ved t h r o u g h t h e use of force
gaining;"
in the
lost
inste ad to e mp loy reason,
in the
for
"those
t h ing s which are g a ine d by reason are g a i n e d f o r e v e r . "96
Th rough
a powerful
its m a jor activities,
and p r o m i n e n t
t h e NAM,
capit ali st elite,
i n je cte d a
s i g ni fic ant body of i d e a s into the ideological
the Gilded Age,
r e p r ese nti ng
u n i ver se of
a p a c k a g e of ideas that p r o c l a i m e d
legit ima ted the s t a t u s and power of capital
and
and its
representati v e s . B e c a u s e power was u n e q u a l I v divided,
advantage,
and t h e gr e a t e s t
advantage is social
A ut h o r i t y implie s authorship;
so was
authority.
t hos e with t he power to define
the trut hs large ly d e t e r m i n e the truths and r i g h t s by which
socety operates.
The social
D EFINE some p e o p l e and
and other
immense.
control
inhe ren t in t he power to
ideas as e m bod yin g d e s i r a b l e norms
ideas or p e o p l e as opp osi te t he d e s i r a b l e norm is
By v i r t u e of such negations,
be repressed,
condemned,
their
i de as censored,
their s p o k e s m e n
silenced.
u n d e s i r a b l e groups can
their
Such
organizations
is t he esse nce of
ni hi 1 ati o n .
N A M i d eo log y f u n cti one d to d i s g u i s e the n a t u r e if
its inte nti ons b e h i n d
d e moc rac y and patri oti sm.
confin e the d e b a t e b e twe en
labor and capital
It sought to
to a few ideas
180
ra the r than
let it e x p o s e the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s of society,
with in t h i s to as s i g n
larger
individual
q u e s tio ns ab out
system.
the fundamental
working
N A M i d e o l o g y so u g h t to abstract
into the larger,
ec ono mic
blame for failure,
f o r m a l l y abstract
absolutism.
an a n t i - c a p i t a l i s t
arguments,
c o l l e c t i v e will,
of the
labor, fitting
it
of t h e age and
their
and to d e n y the counter
ra dical unionism,
It p r e s c r i b e d
work and deference.
avoiding
It sou ght to pre v e n t the for mation of
co mmunism,
alternati ves .
isms
and
And
t h a t posed
labor d o c i l i t y and exhorted hard
it insisted that e c o n o m i c s was an
in d e pen den t a c t i v i t y w hic h could not be c i r cu m s c r i b e d by
moral it y . This a c t i c u d e
say that ec ono m i c
di stinct
moral
itself
a c t i v i t y owed nothing
proposition
Propagated
estab lis hed
a morsilitv5
to
to m o r a l i t y was a
in itself.
in a hi ghl y emotional
pitch,
often
r e f l ec tin g ha tre d of c e r t a i n m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of th e working
cl a s s and fear of be ing
o v e r r u n , NAM p r o p a g a n d a heightened
the cl a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s of
and ar ti c u l a t e d th e i r
p l a t f o r m s for
its members.
id eol o g y and crea ted national
its p r o p aga tio n,
so l i d a r i t y and a f f i r m e d
t h e m s e l v e s which,
As t h e y formulated
they g e n e r a t e d a mood of
a sense of r i g h t n e s s among
c o u p l e d with pre v i o u s l y e x i s t i n g
l e g i t i m a t i o n s of right,
gave them a moral,
and s c i en tif ic m a n d a t e for their actions.
legal,
ethical
181
EN DNOTES:
C HAP T E R V
1
P c S S e e d i n g s of t h e Annual C o n v e n t i o n of th e National
A s s o c i a t i o n of M a n u f a c t u r e r s
1903, h ere a f t e r
cited P r o c e e d i n g s , p. 329.
2
C l a r e n c e Bonnett, E m g f g y e r s f A s s o c f a t i o n s in the
Waited S t a t e s
(New York: The M a c m i l l a n Company,
1922), p. 14; P h i l i p S. Foner, H f s t g r y gf the
Labor M o v e m e n t in t h e Uni t e d S t a t e s
vol. 3
(New York: I n t e rna tio nal Publ ish ers , 1964),
pp. 31-39; C. H. Parker, "The D e c l i n e in Trade
Union M e m b e r s h i p "
Q u a r t e r l y J gurnal gf Eggng mig s
vol. 24 (1909-1910), pp. 564-569.
3
W i l l i a m F. Wi llo u g h b y , "Employers' A s s o c i a t i o n s for
De aling With L ab o r in the U ni t e d S t a t e s "
Qu a r t e r l y Jour n a l gf Eco n o m i e s
vol. 20 (19051906), pp. 110-150.
4
P r g c e e d i n g s ,1904, p. 146; 1909, p. 6 3 ; the av erage
NAM member r e p r e s e n t e d a mid d l e sized manufacturinc
fir rr,.
5
I bi d ., 1904, p. 202.
6
fbid ., 1903, p. 17; T h e new, h o s t i l e a t t i t u d e on the
part of th e N A M c o n f o r m e d to the ge neral hardening
of a t t i t u d e s by several majo r t r a d e a s s o c i a t i o n s
wh o s e d i r e c t o r s w e r e als o NA M m e m b e r s and whose
1902 led t h e m to a c c u s e u n i o n s of f a i l i n g to abide
by the t e r m s of the agreements, and to adop t a
pol i c y of o p p o s i t i o n to uni o n s in general. Thus,
National Metal T r a d e s A s s o c i a t i o n in 1901
t e r m i n a t e d its t r a d e a gre e m e n t with the
Interna tio nal A s s o c i a t i o n of Ma chi n i s t s ; the
National F o u n d e r s ’ A s s o c i a t i o n o p p o s e d t h e Iron
M o u l d e r s ’ U n i o n b e g i n n i n g in 1904, as di d the
National Erect ors ' A s s o c i a t i o n t h e Internaticnal
A s s o c i a t i o n of B r i d g e and S t r u c t u r a l Iron Workers.
In 1906, the U n i t e d T y p o t h e t a e of A m e r i c a
elim i n a t e d the clo s e d shop of t h e International
Typo gr a p h i c a l Union.
By 1910, Samuel Gom p e r s
could remark, "Toda y the Unic ed S t a t e s Steel
C o r p o r a t i o n is p r a c t i c a l l y free f r o m any
'inconveni enc e' f r o m t h e o r g a n i z e d labor
m o v e m e n t . P e a c e in its plant is th e sort of peace
182
that the Czar of R u s s i a had when h e p r ocl aim ed
'Peace r e i g n s in Warsaw' ." Samuel Gompers, "Address
to the Annual Mee tin g"
A n n a l s gf th e Ame rican
A c a d e m y gf Political and Sgcial S c i e n c e , vol. 44
(July 1912), p. 58; Willoughby, " E m p l o y e r s ’
A s s o c i a t i o n s " , p. 119-123; B o n n e t t , E m g l g y e r s
A s s g g i a t i g n s , p. 14.
7
P r o c e e d i n g s , 1903, pp. 60-61. By 1914, the As soc i a t i o n
has s oft e n e d its a n t i - u n i o n s t a n c e to c o n f o r m with
then cu rr e n t a t t e m p t s to gain f a v o r with and control
over labor g r o u p s by p rom o t i n g c o m p a n y unions, shop
c o m m i t t e e s and industrial councils.
Ibid ., 1914,
pp. 4-15. Such P r o g r a m s i n s t i t u t e d p a r t l y by the
Federal W a r La bor Bo ard w e r e f a v o r e d by t h e NAM,
itself h av i n g to m ak e c o n c e s s i o n s to d ema n d s for
c o l l e c t i v e ba rgaining, b eca u s e t h e y wer e initiated
by the emp l o y e r or the federal g o v e r n m e n t and thus
thei r l e g i t i m a c y r est e d on a po w e r b a s e other than
that of o r g a n i z e d labor. Thi s c o n s t i t u t e d a
r e c o g n i t i o n by t h e NAM of t h e i d e olo gic al import anc e
of the s o u r c e of reform.
8
Phillip G. Wright, "The Co nte st in C o n g r e s s between
Or ga n i z e d Labor and Organ ize d Busi nes s", Q u a r t e r f y
Journal, gf E c o n o m i c s , vol . 29 (February 1915) ,
P . 239.
9
Ecgceedings
, 1903,
pp.
p.
10
Ibid
■ ' 1904,
11
Ibid
1903,
p.
16.
12
Ibid
1904,
p.
15.
13
Ibid
1903,
p.
133.
14
Ibid
pp.
14-15.
15
Ibid
pp.
229-230.
16
Ibid
pp.
16-17;
17
Ibid
1903,
p.
17;
18
Ibid
■ ? 1907,
p.
44.
19
Ibid
1904,
p.
202.
20
Ibid
1910,
p.
97.
13.
243-244.
1903,
p. 325.
1907,
p.
136
183
21
Ibid
p. 96;
1 9 1 1 , p.
22
Ibid
23
Prgceedings
24
Ibid
-9
25
Ibid
■ » 1906,
pp.
26
Ibid
■ ' 1908,
p.
36;
27
Ibid
■ J 1907,
p.
112;
29
Ibid
• J 1908,
P-
23.
30
Ibid
■9
1906,
P-
77;
31
Ibid
- 7 1906,
P-
82.
Ibid
=
1908,
33
Ibid
■ 9
1906,
P-
31.
34
ibid
■
35
Ibid
• 9
1903,
pp.
36
Ibid
• 9
1906,
p.
154;
37
Ibid
- !" 1907,
P-
134.
38
Ibid
1906,
p.
63;
39
Ibid
40
P r g c e e d i n g s , 1906,
41
Ibdd
42
Proceedings
78;
1909,
p.
95.
1904, p. 24; Th e National A s s o c i a t i o n of
M a n u f a c t u r e r es.
O pe n S h o p E n c y c l o p e d i a for
De b a t e r s
(New York: National A s s o c i a t i o n of
M a n uf act ure rs, 1921).
. , 1907,
1905,
p.
1
144.
56,
115
137.
p. 1906, pp. !
p. 18; R o b ert Wuest, "Industrial B e t t e r m e n t
A c t i v i t i e s of t he Nati ona l Metal T r a d e s Association",
A n n a l s of t he A m e r i c a n A c a d e m y of Political and
Social S c i e n c e
vol. 44 (July 1912), pp. 75-85.
p.
50.
., p. 114; J a m e s W. Van Cleave, "The Work of
E m p l o y e r s ’ A s s o c i a t i o n s in the S et t l e m e n t of Labor
Disputes",
A n na ls of the A m e ric an A c a d e m y of
P o l i t i c a l and Social. S c i e n c e
v o l . 36 (September
1910), p. 122.
, 1908,
p.
189.
184
43
Proceedings
., 1903, p.
44
Ibid
45
Ibid
46
P r g c e e d i n g s ., 1908, p. 285. NCID m e m b e r s h i p included, in
ad d i t i o n to t h e NAM, t h e A m er ica n A n t i - B o y c o t t
A s s o c i a t i o n (League for Industrial Rights), t h e
A m e r i c a n C o t t o n M a n u f a c t u r e r s ’ Association, t he
National E r e c t o r s ’ Association, the Nati ona l
F o u n d e r s ’ As soc i a t i o n , t he National Metal T r a d e s
Asso cia tio n, t h e U n ite d T y p o t h e t a e of America,
the National A s s o c i a t i o n of Implement and
V e h i c l e Ma n u f a c t u r e r s , the National A s s o c i a t i o n
of C o tto n M a n u f a c t u r e r s , the A m er ica n H a r d w a r e
M a n u f a c t u r e r s ’ Assoc iat ion . Source, Nation al
indus tri al C g u n g i i Bu l l e t i n , cited in A l b i o n
Taylor,
La bor P o l i c i e s of t he National A s s o c i a t i o n
of M a n u f a c t u r e r s
(Urbana; U n i v e r s i t v of Illinois,
1927), p. 29.
1910,
15.
p. 92; 1903,
p.
15;
1906, pp.
25-26.
., 1910,
p. 94; 1908, pp. 107, 295; Van
“E m p l o y e r s ’ Ass oci a t i o n s " , pp. 122-123.
, 1909,
Cleave,
p . 112.
47
Proceedings
43
Ibid
.,
1906,
p.
49
Ibid
.,
1908,
pp.
50
Ibid
.,
1907,
p.
51
E r g c e e d i n g s , 1906, p. 24;
H i s t g r y gf L a b g r
vol.
52
Proceedings
53
Ibid
54
Proceedings
55
Ibid
56
Proceedings
57
Ibid
.,
1903,
p.
18.
58
Ibid
.,
1906,
p.
78.
59
Ibid
.,
1909,
p.
263;
90.
289,
14;
, 1908,
Foner,
p.
., p. 59 ; Foner,
p. 305.
, 1910,
107,
108;
pp.
p.
1906,
p . 90.
H i stg ry of L abgr
81,
, p.
1908, p. 108; _ F o n e r ,
3, p. 299.
1909,
p. 59.
H i s t g r y gf Labgr
., 1906, pp. 15-16;
vol. 3, pp. 55, 59.
, 1909,
121;
92;
Foner,
1909,
vol . 3,
p.
59.
Hi s t o r y gf L a b g r
60.
1907,
p.
19;
1903,
p.
286.
37.
135
60
P r g ç e e d i n gs
61
Ibid .
62
Ibid
63
Proceedings
.,
1904,
1909,
p.
.,
p.
263.
p.
199.
73.
1903,
■
64
Ibid , p.
17.
65
Ibid .,
66
In industry, t h e f ir st d ecl a r a t i o n for open a g a ins t
c l o s e d shop c a m e f rom the National Metal T r a d e s
A s s o c i a t i o n in 1901.
67
Proceedings
68
Ibid ., 1906, p. 13; an o f f i c i a of th e U n i ted S t a t e s
Steel C o r p o r a t i o n stated "We cons ide r the
p r i n c i p l e of t h e "open shop' only another a s pec t
of t h e p r i n c i p l e upon which the go ve r n m e n t of
this c o u n t r y w a s founded and has been mai ntained,
and in that belie f we think the p e o p l e of this
co u n t r y are w ith us." Raynal Bolling, "The U nit ed
S t a t e s Steel Co rp o r a t i o n and Labor C ond i t i o n s "
B a n a l s of t h e A m e r i c a n A c ad emy of P o l i t i g a l and
Soci al S c i e n c e , vol. XLII (July 1912), pp. 3 5 3 362.
1909, pp.212,
67.
., 1907, p.
237; 1904,
p. 76.
69
Van Cleave,
" E m p l o y e r s ’ Ass ociations",
70
Proceedings
, 1905,
71
J ames A. Emery, "Use and A b u s e of Inju nct ion s in T r a d e
D i spu tes "
A n n a l s of the American A c a d e m y of
Po l iti gal and Social S c ien ce
vol. 36 (July 1910),
p. 127.
72
Proceedings
73
Ibid .,
1905,
p.
282.
74
Ibid
.,
1904,
p.
15.
75
Ibid
., p.
76
National A s s o c i a t i o n of Manufacturers, A c c ide nt
P r e v e n t i o n and Relief
(New York: National
A s s o c i a t i o n of Manufactu rer s, 1911); Foner,
H i s t o r y of L a b o r
vol. 3, p. 43.
, 1910,
p.
p.
pp.
121-122.
282.
95.
75.
186
77
EcgÇgedings
78
Ibid
.,
1903,
P-
199,
79
Ibid
.,
1907,
P-
46.
80
Ibid
.,
1909,
P-
264,
81
Ibid
.,
1905,
P-
220,
82
Ecggeedings
83
Ibid
.,
1906,
PP
. 68
84
Ibid
.,
1908,
P-
1871
85
Prggggdings
86
Ibid
87
Ibid
1910,
P-
88
Ibid
1905,
?P . 20:
89
I bi d
.,
1906,
P-
90
Ibid
. , 1906,
PP . 11-
91
Ibid
.,
1905,
P-
87;
92
Ibid
.,
1906,
P-
71.
93
Ibid
.,
1908,
p.
327
94
Ibid
.,
1904,
P-
75.
95
Ibid
., p.
96
Ibid
.,
P-
209
., p.
, 1903,
.,
.,
[
3
.
7-20;
1907,
p.
44-45.
1909,
1906,
13.
50.
96;
1906,
p.
68.
16.
1905,
38;
95;
1910,
p.
96.
187
C H A P T E R VI
T HE L A B O R
IDE O L O G Y OF S C I E N T I F I C M A N A G E M E N T
All e m p l o y e s s h o u l d bear in mind that each shop
exists, first and last, and all t he time, for the p u r p o s e of
payi ng d i v i d e n d s to i t s owners.
S c i e n t i f i c M a n a g e m e n t will mean, for t he e m p l o y e r s
and t h e w o rk men w ho a d o p t i t . . . t h e e lim i n a t i o n of a l m o s t all
c a u s e s for d i s p u t e and d i s a g r e e m e n t among them.
F r e d e r i c k T ayl or
The t r end t o w a r d
1890 pr o d u c e d
which
r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n
a g reat t r a n s f o r m a t i o n
inc lud ed the fi n a n c i a l
consolidation
manuf acturers-'
of c o m p e t i n g
firms,
of
all
In the l a t e
u t i l i z e materiel
Taylor,
q u ick ly ga ined
p r o d u c e d a str uct ura l
The very scale and
its elements,
1890s,
and work ers .
or T a ylo ris m,
p r o c e s s using
the f or m a t i o n of
p r o d u c t i o n ne ces s i t a t e d the
m a n a g e m e n t t h e o r y in industry,
management,
manufacturing
r e o r g a n i z a t i o n and the
la r g e s t firms.
indu str ial
in c r e a s e in control
human factor.
after
t r ade a s s o c i a t i o n s and the 1 n c o rpo rat i on of
most of the n a t i o n ' s
c o m p l e x i t y of
in U.S.
1
e s p e c i a l l y t he
this ne c e s s i t y g a v e r i se to
an effort m ore e f f i c i e n t l y to
The syst em known as sci e n t i f i c
a f ter
its founder F r e d e r i c k
a c c e p t a n c e in i n dus try w h e re it
r e o r g a n i z a t i o n of the p r o d u c t i v e
" s c i ent ifi c"
tech niq ues .
Not s u r pri sin gly ,
mo dern m a n a g e m e n t a r o s e f r o m a n e w breed of e n g i n e e r s who
pr o v i d e d a d i r e c t
the age and
link
its social
be t w e e n
the technological
d e v elo pme nt.
who used s c i e n c e to a n a l y z e
a d v a n c e s of
E n g ine ers had b e e n those
and control
production,
and
it
188
w as in h i s c a p a c i t y as an e n g i n e e r
s y s t e m of sc i e n t i f i c m a n age men t,
restructured
social
that Taylor d e v i s e d
his
a s y s t e m which u l t i m a t e l y
t h e labor f o r c e and pr o m o t e d the w ork and
h a b i t s d e man ded by c o r p o r a t e captialism.
At the o u tb rea k of W o rld War
I, more t han 30
f a c t o r i e s had adop ted o n e f o r m or an o t h e r of s c i e n t i f i c
m an agement,
but
in e f fic ien t
it was the war
production.
m a j o r i t y of U.S.
itself
By t h e
1920s,
which s p ur red i n t e r e s t
an o v e r w h e l m i n g
i n d u s t r i e s had adopte d the main e l m e n t s of
s c i e n t i f i c m a n a g e m e n t : s ome f o r m of i n c ent ive pay,
s t a n d a r d i s a t i o n of tasks,
h ie rarchical
general
a cc e p t e d
and
factor'/ operations.
C o m m o n s r e p ort ed t hat the
ideas of sci e n t i f i c
that they had b e c o m e
industrial
cost a c c o u n t i n g
and coord i nati an of all
eco nom ist John R.
essential
s u p erv isi on under a formal
admi ni strati ve authority,
pl a n n i n g
In 1933,
direct
m a n a g e m e n t had been so w i d e l y
" c o m m o n p l a c e s of A m e r i c a n
p r a c t i c e . "2
T o Taylor,
prof ess ion al
as with m a ny first g e n er ati on
managers,
e m plo yer control
i nc r e a s e d
of the m aterial
p r o d u c t i v i t y reste d on
labor process.
than the o w n e r s and m a n a g e r s of h i s day,
u n d e r s t o o d the ideological
and the r e l a t i o n s h i p
t e c h n o l o g y and material
however,
n a t u r e of their
between
M ore f u l l y
Ta ylor
labor p r o b l e m s
id e o l o g y on one hand and
o b j e c t s on the other.
He was the
first m a n a g e m e n t th e o r i s t to r e c o g n i z e the n e c e s s i t y of
e f f e c t i n g total
ideological
control
over the w o r k f o r c e
and
189
the p o s s i b i l i t y of a c h i e v i n g t h i s thr o u g h material
in the wor k process.
changes
He al s o a p p a r e n t l y u n d e r s t o o d tha t the
work p l a c e was t he p r i m a r y site w h e r e w o r k e r s d efi n e d
t h e m s e l v e s and t h e i r r e l a t i o n s t o capital
and t h u s t h e pl a c e
where t h o s e d e f i n i t i o n s cou ld m o r e e a s i l y be c o n t r o l l e d by
employers.
For t h e s e reasons,
T a y l o r ' s me th o d wa s o r i g i n a l l y
c on cei ved as a m e a n s of s top p i n g
the age th rou gh an id eological
what he ca l l e d a mental
Pie ce R a t e System",
Mechanical
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of th e worker,
r evolution.
in 1905,
Solution
Throug hou t his career,
His first paper,
prescribed
"A
in its s u b t i t l e
"A
of the Labor Problem".
Tay lor sold his m a n a g e m e n t
to emp l o y e r s as a m et h o d
unions.
w a r f a r e of
r e a d be f o r e t h e A m e r i c a n S o c i e t y of
Engineers
Step Towar d Partial
the i n d u s t r i a l
of c o n t r o l l i n g
techniques
labor and br ea k i n g
He e s p e c i a l l y at ta c k e d craft u n i o n s ’ p o w e r to
de ter m i n e and e n f o r c e s t a n d a r d wor k rat e s and r u l e s and,
so doing,
to r e s i s t
n ine tee nth century,
individual
r a t e s of pay.
th e st ren g t h
in
In t h e late
of o r g a n i z e d
labor re ste d
in part on the e n f o r c e m e n t of r u l e s tha t p r o t e c t e d the
skilled c raftsman.
in formal
Craf t union s t a n d a r d s w ere not e s t a i ished
a g r e e m e n t s b e t w e e n u n i o n s and employers,
adopted by u n i o n s and e n f o r c e d at the shop
individual
w ork m e n
e n fo rce men t of w or k
level
and c o m m i t t e e s of t h e union
but were
by
l o c a l . 3 Union
s t a n d a r d s wa s a l r e a d y unde r attac k by
e m p l o y e r s ’ tra de a s s o c i a t i o n s w h e n tho s e c o m m i t t e d to
190
s c i en tif ic m a n a g e m e n t
took up the fight.
s ki l l e d w o r k e r s on an individual
basis,
In dea l i n g with
the y sought to
d e s t r o y c o l l e c t i v e e n f o rc eme nt of c raf t union
ru les by
i n d i v i d u a l l y d e t e r m i n i n g such f a c t o r s as w a g e rates,
clas sfi cat ion ,
workers'
d a i l y output,
gri evances.
and by i n d i v i d u a l l y settling
T he ulti mat e eff ect of S c i e n t i f i c
M a n a g e m n t , David M o n t g o m e r y explained,
f ou n d a t i o n of c r a f t s m e n s ’ functional
their
"st yle s of work,
"und erm ine d the very
autono..iy" by di s r u p t i n g
their union r u l e s and sta nd a r d rates,
and t h e i r m u t u a l i s t i c e t h i c . ..."4
a pp l i c a t i o n of
work
After the wid e s p r e a d
s c i e n t i f i c m a n a g e m e n t , M o n t g o m e r y found,
"some d e g r e e of w or k e r
g u e r i l l a basis.... "5
rest ric tio n remained,
but on a
But concertée!, union directed,
c o l l e c t i v e l y e nfo r c e d work r e s t ri cti on had disappea red .
the dec a d e of t h e
1920s,
the co m b i n a t i o n of s ci e n t i f i c
ma n a g e m e n t and w e l f a r e a ctivity had
un ion s from most
By
"s u c c e e d e d in e xcl uding
ind u s t r i e s and p e r s u a d i n g un ion
lead ers to
oppo se their m e m b e r s ’ re st r i c t i v e p r a c t i c e s in o t h e r s . "6
The a d o p t i o n of scie nti fic m a n a g e m e n t by U.S.
industry resulted
in greater control
of
labor
consciousness.
T a y l o r i s m p r e s c r i b e d v ari ous m eth o d s of g o v e r n i n g worker
i d e o l o g y thro ugh
a)
shifting control
p r o c e s s from w o r k e r s to employers;
b)
of the e n t i r e work
by d e s t r o y i n g unio ns
and r e p l a c i n g w o r k p l a c e s o l i d ari ty and c o l l e c t i v i s m with an
a t o m i z e d i n d i v i d u a l i s m which g e n e r ate d wo rke r
su ppo s e d common
i n t e r e s t s of capital
and
loyalty to the
labor;
and,
c)
191
thro ugh tying wo rke r self
criteria,
self
Image to e m p l o y e r de ter min ed
im age that rose and fell
with the indiviual
w o r k e r ’s de g r e e of f u l fi llm ent of d a i l y task assignments.
T a y l o r i s m itself
was an i d e o l o g y that in its w i d e s t
a p p l i c a t i o n def en d e d i n d u s t r i a l i s a t i o n
and the mach ine
proc e s s w h i l e at the sa me time j u s t i f i e d an e xte nsion of
em plo yer a u t h o r i t y over
justifi cat ion ,
legitimacy,
co uc h e d
large m a s s e s of workers.
in the p r e v a i l i n g
held sway in the name of
well-being
beneficence,
the work ethic,
in p a r t i c u l a r the
and a d v a n c e m e n t of the individual
masked the c reation of a more rigid and
management
control
language of c l a s s
individualism,
s e l f - a d v a n c e m e n t , e f f i c i e n c y and order,
p r o g r e s s and social
worker.
s t r u c t u r e which e f f e c t i v e l y e l i m in ate d
re p l a c i n g
management
It
a uthoritarian
of the work p r o c e s s and f o r m a t i o n
ideology,
This
l a b o r ’s
of worker
it wi th m a n a gem ent control
and
ideas about work and workers.
In addi tio n to t h e material
r e q u i r e m e n t s of
p roduction,
the l e g i t i m a c y of natural
p r e s t i g e of
s c i e nti fic t e c h n o l o g y also sha ped the id eol ogy
of Taylorism.
of natural
In addition.
law doctrine.
law and and the
T a y l o r i s m a d o p t e d the l e g i t i m a c y
T a y l o r ’s i n s i s t e n c e on his
"one
best m e t h o d " of p e r f o r m i n g every work t a s k p r e s upp ose d that
the re e x i s t e d an absolute,
n u m e r i c a l l y verifiable,
exact way of e x e c u tin g th at ta s k . 7
M a n a g e m e n t ," Taylor explained,
perfectly
"Under Scientific
"every s i n g l e subject,
larg e
192
and small,
b e c o m e s t h e question for s c i en tif ic
investigation,
man a g e m e n t
laws,
for red u c t i o n to l a w . ..."8
was a "true science,
rules,
dis c o v e r e d
and pr inc iples,
th r o u g h
way" w a s d ef e n d e d
s c i ent ifi c
The b es t
r e s t i n g upon c l e a r l y defin ed
as a f o u n d a t i o n . "9
inquiry,
Once
T a y l o r ’s " one best
in t he same m an ner that s c i e n t i s t s
de f end ed what t h e y took to be the u n d e n i a b l e c e r t a i n t y of
the laws of p h y s i c s or m a t h e m a t i c s - in an age w h i c h s too d
in awe of t he p o wer of scie nce to p r o d u c e wonders.
de f ens e was m ad e easier,
in Samuel
Sc i e n c e had a l u s t r e all
its o w n .... For a g e n e r a t i o n
which most
the
H a b e r ’s words,
This
p e o p l e b e lie ved that p r o g r e s s was wr i t t e n
laws of the un iverse,
i n d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e . " 10
question absolutes,
true and good
the laws of nature,
a u t h o r i t y and
application
To an age which had begun
scie nce rose in prestige,
to
becoming
the
As o n e of
scie nti fic
law.
Along w i th belief
law,
into
th e law of s c i e n t i f i c ma n a g e m e n d r e w its
l e g i t i m a c y from its formal
of t h at
in
seemed
pr i mar y v e h i c l e by w hich truth was established.
natural
"for
nineteenth
in the a u t h o r i t y and c e r t a i n t y of
centur y i d e o l o g y held t h e n o t i o n of
the a b s o l u t e i m p a r t i a l i t y and o b j e c t i v i t y of s c i e n t i f i c
data,
and by ext ension,
industry,
scientific
controversi al and
of T a y l o r ’s methods.
A p p l i e d to
man age men t r e p l a c e d the ar bitrary,
c o mpe tin g a u t h o r i t y of
floor b o s s e s with t h e u n contestable,
skilled w o r k e r s and
c l a s s neutral
authority
193
of science.
"Science,
f a v o r i t e s . "11
c l ai med o ne Taylorite,
B a si ng its l e g i t i m a c y on t h e a p p l i c a t i o n of
s c i e n c e to social
good,
legi tim ate d owner
interest.
Taylorism impersonalized
However,
basis twisted t hi s legitimation,
capital
to society,
natural
The
s c i ent ifi c
for t he c l a s s interest of
but as a matter of
pri nciple.
and
the supposed
w a s r e de fin ed as not only c l as s neutra l
beneficial
cosmic,
"plays no
and
i n c o ntr ove rti ble ,
'legitimate'
a u t h o r i t y of
s c ie nce f u r ni she d t h e f a c a d e for t h e e x e r c i s e of t he class
power
of employers.
an i d e o l o g y which,
T a y l o r ' s s y ste m was less a s c i e n c e than
under t he g uis e of s c i e n t i f i c
f u n cti one d to o b s c u r e and conceal
conrol
capital's attempt
to
l a b o r . 12
T a yl or' s offer
indu str y and e f fic ien t
general
neutrality,
of s c i e n t i f i c r a t i o n a l i s a t i o n of
labor control
P r o g r e s s i v e urge of t h e age,
d o v e t a i l e d with the
itself
part of the
larger stru ggl e of c a p i t a l i s t i n t e r e s t s to p r o t e c t
t h e m s e l v e s from the social
industri ali zat ion .
control
d e v elo ped
and e c o nom ic d i s r u p t i o n s of r a pid
As with other
i n s t r u m e n t s of social
in the n i n e t e e n t h century,
m a na gem ent w as n e c e s s a r y to the c r e ati on of
into the m e c h a n i s t i c
order of r a t i o n a l i z e d
as s emb ly lines,
above all,
and,
m a na ged work environment.
b e ne fit s that
scient ifi c
appli ed on a wide scale.
sc ie n t i f i c
a work er who fit
m a s s production,
into a " s c i ent ifi cal ly"
T a y lor i n t end ed for the social
control
broug ht to i n d u s t r y to be
M ore than a p r o v i s i o n for
194
industrial
effici ency,
his s y s t e m
transformati o n . Th e ideological
inherent
or
in T a y l o r i s m was d esi g n e d
p rom ise d an ent ire social
"mental
revo lut ion "
to a l l e v i a t e the social
p r o b l e m s of i ndustrial
society,
p r o b l e m s a ris ing
from a g r o s s l y unequal
d i s t r i b u t i o n of wealth,
largely
and from
o n- the -jo b d i s p u t e s bet w e e n m a n a g e m e n t and labor.
so lut ion w a s to control
s ci en t i f i c
law,
industrial
T a y l o r ’s
soc i e t y b y a neutral,
which served n eit h e r capital
nor labor,
but
the ri gid s t a n d a r d s of work p e r f o r m a n c e and shop m a n a g e m e n t .
When fol l o w e d exactly,
production,
his m e t h o d s pr omi sed to i ncr eas e
d e c r e a s e its costs,
re mov e the s o u r c e of social
consumer prices,
t e n s i o n in industry,
rais e the material
th e r e b y p r o m o t e c i v i l i z a t i o n
a general
social
rai s e wag e s and profits,
sta ndard
and progress.
industrial
to "all
a c t i v i t i e s , " in homes,
philanthropic
Tayl or
and
env is i o n e d
e f f i c i e n c y and ideological
institutions,
T h e idea of social
s ci ent ifi c
living,
re vol u t i o n t h r o u g h th e appli caton of his
t e c h n i q u e s for
social
of
red u c e
farms,
control
churches,
u n i v e r s i t i e s and g o v e r n m e n t . 13
p e r f e c t i o n th rough
a d h e r e n c e to
law for med part of t he larger i mpu lse of the
P r o g r e s s i v e E ra towa rd
cent ral iza tio n,
enamore d with
sys tem ati zat ion ,
r ati ona liz ati on,
b u r e a u c r a t i z a t i o n and control.
material
An age
e f f i c i e n c y in mac h i n e output and in
b u s i n e s s e n t e r p r i s e sa w the p o s s i b i l i t y of re sol v i n g
q ue sti ons of social
control
with m a c h i n e - l i k e eff i ci e n c y .14
And T a y l o r ’s p r e s c r i p t i o n fit th e d i a g n o s i s of the age:
195
e li m i n a t e i r r a t i o n a l , violent,
an ti-social,
non conformist,
u n p r o d u c t i v e b e h a v i o r and on e w ou l d ac hi e v e a predictable,
controlled,
o r d e r l y social
whole t hat ope rat ed a cco rdi ng to
the d i c t a t e s of science.
Ta y l o r ' s s y s t e m gr e w out of his o n -th e-j ob
e x p e r i e n c e as an e n g i n e e r and sho p foreman at the M i d v a l e
Steel
C o m p a n y b e t w e e n 1878 and 1890.
increase p r o d u c t i o n
e x p e r i m e n t s whi c h
in th e ma c h i n e shop,
and,
enti re f a c t o r y system.
orga ni z a t i o n
he c o ndu cte d
led him to ass e s s p rev a i l i n g shop
ma nag eme nt p r a c t i c e s ,
repr ese nte d
In an att emp t to
eventually,
to s c r u t i n i z e the
C o n d i t i o n s he a nal y z e d at M i d v a l e
p r a c t i c e s that pe rva ded most fac tor y
in t h e
late nin et e e n t h
c o n t e m p o r a r y observers,
century.
Lire m any
Taylor s a w the shop floor
as the
site of a s t r u g g l e over p r o d u c t i v i t y t h e r e t o f o r e won by
work ers b e c a u s e of
i nef f i c i e n t management,
winn a b l e by o w n e r s if t he y could control
and sec ure w o r k e r
resulted
in a call
loyalty.
the work p r o c e s s
His a n a l y s i s of this s tru g g l e
for an e n t i r e l y new and r e v o l u t i o n a r y
m an age men t s y s t e m d e s i g n e d to e f f e c t total
production,
both
but p o t e n t i a l l y
eliminating
control
over
e lem e n t s in the fa cto ry s y s t e m that
inhib ite d p r o d u c t i o n
and f u r n i s h e d g ro u n d s for dis p u t e
be tween o wn e r s and workers.
To Taylor,
day fell
t h e fa u l t s of t h e f a c t o r y sys t e m of hi s
into tw o categories:
the ty ra n n y
it allowed
ma nag ers and b o s s e s and the a u t o n o m y it gave workers.
As
196
f a c t o r i e s grew larger
n i n e t e e n t h century,
increased,
which,
and more complex
and the de leg ate d power of m ana g e r s
so did their
t o Taylor,
use of arb itr ary power,
a co ndi tio n
p r o d u c e d the most v i s i b l e f o r m of the
st r u g g l e b etw e e n capital
i m p o s s i b l e task,
in the late
and labor.
The u n h a p p y and almost
given t h e large de gre e of wor ker
of f o r c i n g w ork e f f i c i e n c y and p r o d u c t i v i t y fell
autonomy,
to m a n a g e r s
wh ose m e t h o d s of c o e r c i o n ranged all the way fro m mere ly
a c c o u n t i n g for each w o r k e r ' s pr ese nce and d i l i g e n c e during
the day to s u m m a r y firings.
The managerial
hierarchy,
led f r o m work er t h r o u g h for ema n to floor boss,
c o n s i d e r a b l e individual
which
allowed
di scretion at eve ry l e v e l . 15
And
it
was u n d e r s t o o d that aa ch managar usad this d i s c r a t i o n a r v
power
to f orc e the g r e a t e s t amount of work f r o m those under
his supervision.
The most g lar i n g
faults Taylor
id ent ifi ed
in the
fa ct o r y sy s t e m lay with the degree of a u t o n o m y allowed
workers.
A lth o u g h the f a c t o r y system had a s s e m b l e d
large
n u m b e r s of w o r k e r s in o n e spot into v a r i o u s kinds of
individual
and group w o r k situations,
in t e rna liz ed
workers'
labor discipline,
nor had
di s c r e t i o n in t h e control
it had not
it c o m p l e t e l y remo ved
of th eir own work
pr oductivity.
S killed workers'
this control.
In the c o u r s e of a work day,
m a c h i n i s t s not only w o r k e d
sha pin g metal,
but
exp ert ise was the b a s i s of
Midvale
at their mac hi n e s cut tin g and
l arg e l y c ont rolled the p r o d u c t i o n manner
197
and r a te of t h e i r tasks,
supplies,
social
pr o c u r e d their own t o o l s or
and g o v e r n e d their rest p e r i o d s and t h e i r
interaction.
not s e r v e t h eir
B e c a u s e w o r k e r s u n d e r s t o o d t hat
i n t e r e s t s to work hard,
informal
it did
they a l s o prac tic ed
ma ny f orm s of d e l i b e r a t e o ut put r e s t r i c t i o n f r o m soldiering,
the d e l i b e r a t e r e s t r i c t i o n of work,
to o ut r i g h t sabotage.
At least to his own satisfaction,
Tayl or r e c o gni zed
and e x p lai ned t h e r e a s o n s for such behavior.
which utiliz ed a r a n g e of labor skills,
exist ed
In most shops
a h i e r a r c h y of labor
in w h i c h the s k i l l e d cra f t s m a n en j o y e d t h e high est
w ag es and the g r e a t e s t d e g r e e of w o r k p l a c e autonomy.
coincidence,
sk i l l e d w o r k e r s were the most s c a r c e and formed
the only viab le
Furthermore,
labor
o r g a n i z a t i ons in T a y l o r ' s day.
t h e a p p r e n t i c e s y st em placed
crafts man at t h e top of a labor c o n tro lle d
te chnological
craft
Not by
hi erarchy,
know-how and
labor
high pay,
ide olo gic al
and
w ithin which a p p r e n t i c e s a bsorbed
id e o l o g y f r om m e n t o r s on the same
side in the c a p i t a l - 1 abor struggle.
exclusiveness,
the skille d
This h i e r a r c h y of
leadership,
and r e l a t i v e auton omy
f u rn ish ed s k i l l e d labor an a u t h o r i t y and u n t o u c h a b i 1ity that
had to be brok en
if o w n e r s were to control
w ork er
activity
and ideology.
In T a y l o r ’s day,
the most telling
m a n i f e s t a t i o n of
worker a u t ono my w a s d e l i b e r a t e r e s t r i c t i o n of work output.
He devote d a g reat deal
soldiering,
of att e n t i o n to the p r o b l e m of
a p r a c t i c e which he found
"almost u niversal
in
198
industrial
establishments"
gr eat est evil
and which
"constitute(d)
with w h i c h th e w o r k i n g - p e o p l e of both Eng lan d
and A m e r i c a are n o w a f f l i c t e d . "16
p r a c t i c e d s o ldi eri ng,
ig norant of th e w or k
Workers deliberately
Ta ylo r surmised,
to keep e m p l o y e r s
p r o c e s s and thus of how much time any
task would a c t u a l l y t a k e to be pe rformed.
re ser ved to t h e m s e l v e s control
exclusive
s o l d i e r i n g .17
In doi ng so,
of t he actual
k n o w l e d g e of th e potential
Ta y l o r
tht
amount and
am o u n t of production.
i d e n t i f i e d thr e e c a u s e s for overt,
First,
t he y
s yst ema tic
w o r k e r s b e l i e v e d that it w a s against
their best i n t e r e s t s to work at ma x i m u m output be ca u s e the
i nc rea se in p r o d u c t i o n r edu ced the total
Thus,
both
i ndi vid ual
en for ced r e s t r i c t i o n
wo rk e r s and tra de union poli cy
of output.
Second,
had no idea h o w mu c h work c o n s t i t u t e d
they had to defer t o t h e workers'
process.
E mpl oye rs,
number of jobs.
bec a u s e e m p l o y e r s
a full
d ay ' s work,
kn ow l e d g e of th e work
T a y l o r explained,
d e r i v e the i r k now l e d g e of how m uch of a
give n c l a s s of work can be done in a day from
ei t h e r the i r own ex perience, whi c h has
f r e q u e n t l y g r o w n ha z y with age, f ro m casual and
u n s y s t e m a t i c o b s e r v a t i o n of thei r men, or at
best f r o m r e c o r d s wh i c h are kept, showing the
qu ick est t i m e in which each job h a s been done.
In m an y c a s e s t h e em pl o y e r will feel almost
ce rt a i n tha t a g iv e n job can b e do n e fas ter than
it h as been, but he r a r e l y car e s t o ta k e the
dr as t i c m e a s u r e s n e c e s s a r y to f o r c e men to do it
in the q u i c k e s t time.... It e v i d e n t l y bec o m e s
■for each m a n ' s i nte r e s t then, to s e e that no job
is do n e f a s t e r than it has been in the p a s t . I B
Third,
th e w ork and pa ym e n t s y s t e m of p i e c e work
spurred w o r k e r s to d e v e l o p s o l d i e r i n g
to a fi n e art.
Under
199
the p ie c e ra t e system,
which w o r k e r s
e m p l o y e r s d e t e r m i n e d a m a x i m u m amount
"should" b e paid for each p i e c e of work,
restr ict ed w a g e s a c c ord ing ly.
and
W o r k e r s r e a l i z e d that when
em plo y e r s b e c a m e c o n v i n c e d that they coul d p r o d u c e m o r e than
that amount,
they forc ed tha t inc r e a s e in p r o d u c t i o n without
a co r r e s p o n d i n g
inc re a s e
in p a y . 19
when they t h e m s e l v e s spe e d e d
their earnings,
Thus,
Or,
w o r k e r s fo und that
up pie c e p r o d u c t i o n to in cr e a s e
e m p l o y e r s red u c e d the rat e accordingly.
Ta ylo r r eas o n e d that
aft er a w o r k m a n h as had t he p r i c e per
pi e c e of the work h e is doing lo wered two or
th r e e ti m e s as a r e s u l t of his h av i n g worked
hard er and inc re a s e d his output, he is likely to
lose sight of his e m p l o y e r ' s sid e of the case
and b e c o m e imbued with a grim d s t a r m i n a t i o n to
have no mors cut s if soldi eri ng can p revent it.
20
Because
it i n v o l v e d
a s t r u g g l e over control
basic e l e m e n t s in t h e labor process,
of the
Tayl or explained,
so ldiering
led to th e root of th e dis p u t e b e t w e e n capital
and labor.
Workers'
deceive"
" d e l i b e r a t e a tte mpt to mi sl e a d and
e m p l o y e r s as to the ir
them to vi e w the e m p l o y e r as
e n e m y . "21
Taylor e x p l a i n e d
true work c a p a c i t i e s caused
"an antagonist,
if not an
further.
The f e e l i n g of a n t a g o n i s m u nd e r the
o r d i n a r y p i e c e - w o r k s y s t e m be co m e s in ma n y cases
so ma rke d on the pa r t of the men that any
p r o p o s i t i o n m ad e by their employers, however
reasonable, is loo ked upon with suspicion, and
s ol di e r i n g b e c o m e s such a fixed habit that men
will f r e q u e n t l y t a k e p ai n s to res t r i c t the
pr od u c t of m a c h i n e s whic h t h e y are r u n n i n g when
even a large i n c r e a s e in output wou ld i nvolve no
more work on their p a r t . 22
20 0
Thus,
to a g r e a t degree,
wor k e r s w e r e a b l e to
control
th e w o r k p r o c e s s - speeding
at will
- b e c a u s e of e m p l o y e r ' s lack of
very p r o c e s s . 2 3
it down
k n o w l e d g e about that
Two f a c t o r s d e ter min ed worker m o n o p o l y of
k n o w l e d g e in th e work process.
workers
it up or slo w i n g
"had t he i r
First,
Tayl or ob se r v e d
k n o w l e d g e handed down t o t h e m by wor d of
m o u t h , " or t h e y l e a r n e d by obser vat ion or ex perience.
Work men
l e a r n e d from other workmen to r e s t r i c t output.
Th e y o u n g e r and less e x p e r i e n c e d men are
t a u g h t t h i s by the i r elders, and all p o s s i b l e
p e r s u a s i o n and social press ure is bro u g h t to
bear u p o n the g r e e d y and selfish men to keep
the m f r o m mak i n g new rec ord s whic h resu lt in
t e m p o r a r i l y i ncr e a s i n g their wages, wh i l e all
th o s e w h o come after them are m ade to 'work
hard e r for the sa m e old par/....24
Le ss o n s
in o u t p u t r e s t r i c t i o n d e m ons tra ted to you n g
or
im mig ran t w o r k e r s new to the factory that t he i r own
interests conflicted
be ser v e d o n l y
w i t h tho s e of the ir e m p l o y e r s and could
by s u b v e r t i n g those of the latter.
The s e c o n d f a c t o r in workers'
Taylor c a l l e d t r a d i t i o n a l
princi pal
or
m o n o p o l y was what
“r u l e -of -th umb "
knowledge,
a s s e t or p o s s e s s i o n of every tradesman,
monopoly because
it r e m a i n e d
largely un kno wn
25 Ta ylo r d i s c o v e r e d t h a t even managers,
and a
to employers.
alm ost all of whom
had r i s e n f r o m t he r a n k s of skilled labor,
any one els e th a t the i r
"the
knew
kno wle dge and personal
"better than
sk i l l s fall
far s h o r t of t h e c o m b i n e d knowledge and d e x t e r i t y of all the
wo rkm en u nd e r
t h e m . "26
Thus emplo yer s and th eir m a n a g e r s
201
w ere f o r c e d to drive worker s to o b tai n the great est amount
of work.
Thus,
th e
"greatest o b s t a c l e to h a rm oni ous
c o o p e r a t i o n b e t w e e n t he workmen
Taylor
and t he m a n a g e m e n t . .."
i d e n t i f i e d as "the ig n o r a n c e of t he mana gem ent as to
what r e a l l y c o n s t i t u t e s a p r ope r d a y ’s w o r k ...."27
Taylor,
To
v o l u n t a r y coop era tio n b e t w e e n m a n a gem ent and labor
remained
i m p o s s i b l e as long as w o r k e r s had m o re kno w l e d g e
than m anagers,
w o r k e r s d i s tr ust ed g i v i n g their best effort,
and w o r k e r s c o n t r o l l e d work.
T a ylo r c h a r a c t e r i z e d h i s s y s t e m of sci entific
management
as a s o l uti on to the m a n a g e m e n t p r o ble ms i nherent
in the work p r o c e s s as it was pr a c t i c e d
s y ste ms of hi s era.
fundamental
process
and j u d g e m e n t
and b)
To e l i min ate soldiering,
a)
shifting worker t e c hn olo gic al
In t he factory,
this,
and rat ion a l i z i n g
labor,
the material
goals
s tandardizing,
all
f a c e t s of the
raw materials,
he caused a r e v olu tio n
and its m a n age men t.
industries
Objectives
Taylor r e a l i z e d
of h is s y s t e m th r o u g h governing,
doing
of
'f s k i l l e d craftsmen.
Ibe Material
u t i l i z a t i o n of
control
in the work p r o c e s s f r o m w o rke rs to managers,
d e s t r o y i n g the power
systematizing
Taylor made
el e m e n t s of the work
c h a n g e s in the material
itself:
in the factory
t o o l s and time.
In
in both the work proc ess
In the ma c h i n e tool
industry,
in t h e late n i net een th century,
as in many
this r e v o lut ion
202
was m ade p o s s i b l e by ra p i d a d v a n c e s
for ced the f a s t e r
inputs.
metal
Dur ing
cu tt i n g
spe ed steel
re tai n e d
metal
in t e c h n o l o g y which
and mor e e f f i c i e n t u t i l i s a t i o n of ec ono mic
h i s i n v e s t i g a t i o n s of m a c h i n e s p e e d s for
at M i d v a l e Steel,
Taylor
himself
for c u t t i n g too l s and drills,
its e d g e at high t e m per atu res ,
cu tt i n g a n d
pr odu c e d
f i n i s h i n g . 28
more quickly,
inv ent ed high
which,
trip led th e speed of
As machine operators
the flo w of m a t e r i a l s to and from
the ir m a c h i n e s h ad
to speed up c o r r e s p o n d i n g l y ,
necessitating
t h e speed up of t he
both
b e c a u s e it
en ti r e p rod u c t i o n
pr oc e s s and a m o r e ef fic i e n t use of m a c h i n e operators'
In Tay l o r ' s judgmen t,
em plo yer
and w o r k m a n
do ne. ... "
Huma n
capacity.
Th u s t h e
ef fe c t i n g total
"the one e l e m e n t .. . most vital
[ w a s ] ...the speed
s pe e d
to both
at which work was
must be i n c r e a s e d
to equal
"es sence of task m a n a g e m e n t
m a n a g e m e n t control
time.
ma chi ne
lay in
of f a c t o r s gov er n i n g work
s p e e d .29
Control
a dra m a t i c
over t h e speed of th e wor k p r o c e s s involved
i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of t h e d i v i s i o n of labor.
Industrialization
had caused a d i v i s i o n of labor which
de st r o y e d
wor ker control
skilled
of th e work pro c e s s from
r aw material t o f i n i s h e d p r o d u c t . It a l s o eli mi n a t e d
w o r k e r s ’ conceptual
Af t e r
1880,
kn owl e d g e of t h e e n t i r e work process.
mos t s k i l l e d c r a f t s m e n f a s h i o n e d p a r t s for
larger c o n s t r u c t i o n s over which t he y had
and even
less co ntrol.
Their
knowledge,
little kno wle dge
skill
and control
of
203
individual
t as ks w a s real,
but
limited to t h e p i ece they
made or a po r t i o n of a larger project.
To a c c o m p l i s h t he speed-up,
work task,
Taylor analyzed each
s u b d i v i d i n g it into s e p a r a t e c o m p o n e n t s and
as s i gni ng each to an individual
worker.
For example,
turned a s i n g l e job for t he lathe w or k on steel
locomotive
wh e els into a s e r i e s of 22 di f f e r e n t operations,
seven s e p a r a t e s p e c i f i c a t i o n s . 30
duly s p e c i a l i z e d
workers'
he
each with
H e then s c r u t i n i z e d t h e s e
and su bd i v i d e d work t ask s to d e t e r m i n e h ow
m o v e m e n t s c ould be spee ded up and m a de more
ef f i cie nt by using
less motion,
thus lowering p rod u c t i o n
old f act ory
system,
time,
and fewer materials,
co sts per unit.
skilled
Since,
w o rke rs perf orm ed
be s i d e s the p r i m a r y one to which
under t he
many tasks
they were assigned,
subdi vi son of t a s k s had the effect
this
of d ele g a t i n g the
un s k ill ed p o r t i o n s of a job to o r d i n a r y laborers,
skilled w o r k e r s to more h ig hly paid,
“important"
limiti ng
tasks,
incre asi ng the n ee d for m a n a g e m e n t control.
In the metal
wo r kin g
and governed
industries.
machinists'
c r af tsm en
T a y l o r i s m so s ubd i v i d e d
and
j ob s that it t u rne d m a ny jobs held by s k il led
into t a s k s for m a c h i n e tenders.
co n v e r t e d u n t r a i n e d
H is system
l a b o r e r s into s p e c i a l i z e d m ach ine
o p e r a t i v e s using p r e f a b r i c a t e d
jigs,
su bd i v i d e d jobs with
easil y learne d s e g m e n t s which w ere re p e a t e d over and over,
and incr eas ed supervision.
of skilled
This gr e a t l y r ed uce d the numbe r
cr a f t s m e n and i n cr eas ed that of
less skille d and
204
cos tly ma c h i n e t e n d e r s and of s u p e r v i s o r y p e r s o n n e l .31
Taylor often stat ed that he h a d r educed and
subdi vid ed work o p e r a t i o n s to the point whe r e a u t o m a t o n s or
g o r i l l a s could p e r f o r m them.
of t he B e t h l e h e m Steel
"Of the men in t h e m a c h i n e shop
C o m p a n y , " he said of w o r k e r s who
first e x p e r i e n c e d t h e diffe ren tia l
p i e c e rate plan,
"engaged
in r unn i n g the r o u g h i n g m a c h i n e s . ..about 95 per cent,
ha ndy men t r a i n e d up f r o m laborers.
w ere
And on th e f ini s h i n g
machine,
w o r k i n g on bonus,
about 25 per cent,
w ere h a n d y
m e n . "32
Even w h e n a task such as la the op era tio n cou ld not
be sub di v i d e d and had to be left in th e c are of a ski lle d
workman,
it was pla n n e d
o bse rve d
by s c i e n t i f i c managers,
pl ann ing office,
control.
de scr i b e d
in wr itt en
c l o s e l y govern ed by a ne w st and a r d i s e d
instructions,
rate,
in advance,
in the
and o t h e r w i s e ci rcu m s c r i b e d by managerial
T a y l o r ' s system,
divisio n of labor,
au tho r i t y over
re co r d e d
time
driv en by t h e logic of the
ac hi e v e d the final
even t h e divided
des tr u c t o n of worker
labor p r o c e s s e s of t h e day.
It r epl a c e d t h e r e l a t i v e aut o n o m y of t h e skilled c r aft sma n
with mindless,
r e p e t i t i v e and further
Under Taylorism,
reproducible,
s ubd i v i d e d tasks.
the worker be c a m e less an individual
s t a n d a r d i z e d , intercha nge abl e,
ma c h i n e - l i k e cog
Taylor
than a
c ont rollable,
in t h e f a c t o r y wheel.
a t t a c k e d the p r o b l e m of
job speed and wor k e r
effi c i e n c y with a s kil l e d s ys t e m of w a g e b o n u s e s c all e d the
differential
p i e c e r a t e which ge ne r a t e d
worker i n c e n t i v e to
205
fo l l o w i n s t r u c t i o n s and
ou tpu t speed and
i n c r e a s e o u t p u t . 33
This s y ste m tied
i n c e n t i v e f a c t o r s t o g e t h e r with c o e r c i v e
m e a s u r e s d e s i g n e d to d e s t r o y both w o r k e r s ’ d e sir e and
ab i l i t y to g o ve rn output.
ex h o r t e d an in dividual
The d i f f e r e n t i a l
piece rate s y s t e m
w o rke r to u t m o s t exert ion by s c a l i n g
wage r a t e s to in dividual
piece work
performance,
paying
b o n u s e s of 30 to 60 per cent m o r e w he n a work er achieved a
predetermined
" f a i r " d a y ’s work.
T a y l o r u s ual ly i n t rod uce d
the p i e c e r a t e s y s t e m in a ununi oni zed shop,
placin g one
worke r under his g u i d a n c e and a l l o w i n g h im to earn 30 per
cent or m o re than h is p r e v i o u s e a r n i n g s
new s ys tem badly."
shop
Then
"almost
"until he w an ts t h e
i n va rib ly"
other men in t h e
also asked for the n e w s y s t e m . 34
T a y l o r ’s a r g ume nt with t h e old p i ece work or day
w ag e s y s t e m w a s that
all
w o r k m e n w e r e paid the same rate or
wage r e g a r d l e s s of e f f i ci e n c y .35
b o n u s paym ent
amount.
i n c rea sed with all
output
H o w e v e r , the p i ece r a te s y s t e m
man up from t he top but pushe d
b o t t o m . "36
but s u f f e r e d t h e
over a certain
"not only p ulls t he
f a il ed to do a task
h e not o n ly forfeited the
"direc t l o s s of t h e piece p r ice for
each p i e c e by wh ich he f al ls s h o r t . "37
T he se b o n use s w e r e
al w a y s tied to man a g e m e n t d i s c r e t i o n and control:
ch o o s i n g t he
"right" w o r ker for t h e job,
n a t u r e of t h e tasks,
piece r a t e
h i m e q u a l l y hard f ro m the
In c ases w he re a w o r k e r
c o r r e c t l y in t he a l l ott ed time,
bonus,
In his system,
in dolin g
out
in
in dete rmi nin g the
i n c e n t i v e bonuses,
in
206
calculating,
timing,
c h ar t in g and o t h e r w i s e qua nt i fy i ng all
e l e m e n t s of th e w o rk process.
way down
f r om t h e m a n a g e m e n t
Another
control
"brains"
of w o r k f i l t er e d one
to t h e operatives.
f a c t o r in the e l i m i n a t i o n of
on t he s ho p f loor
hierarchies which
laborers.
Control
s k il l ed labor
involved o v e r t u r n i n g
old
led f r om s k il l ed w o r k e r s to commo n
In h i s e x p e r i e n c e as a gang b o s s at M i d v a l e Steel,
Taylor en g a g e d
in a t h r ee year long
doing e v e r y t h i n g
hierarchy,
m e a n wh i le ,
output s ho uld not be
■work' p e r f o r m a n c e at
possible.3S
"piece w o rk f i g h t , "
in his power to p r e v e n t s o l d i e r i n g and
i ncrease shop p r od u c t i o n .
M a c h i n i s t s at t h e top of the shop
rem ai n ed
" a b s o l u t e l y d e t e r m i n e d that
increased,"
and t he y d e l i b e r a t e l y
le vels they knew were
O nl y by worki n g
in conc er t c o u l d
T a y l o r ' s u r g in g
d e m o n s t r a t i o n s to no avail,
he d is m i s s e d
r ep l a c i n g t he m w i t h
new m a c h i n i s t s who
and joine d the o t h e r
kept
lower than
e n f or c e t h e s e r es t ri c t i o n s .
w o rk e rs
and
sever a l
workers,
"tur n ed right around
f e l l o w s and r e fu s ed t o do a n y more work
than the r e s t . "39
In order to b r eak the i nformal
of the mach in i st s ,
he took an a d m i t t e d l y
a step
labor
" c o n t r a r y t o . . . [the]
a u t h or i ty
"durn e d mean" step,
inte re s t of m a c h i n i s t s " :
W h e n I had t r a i n e d e n o u g h of t h e s e
la b o r e r s so that t h ey could run the lathes, I
went t o t h e m and said, 'Now, y o u m e n t o w h o m I
h av e t a u g h t a t r ad e are in a t o t a l l y di f f e r e n t
po s i t i o n f r o m the m a c h i n i s t s w h o w e r e r u n n i n g
t h e s e l a t h e s b e f or e you came here. E v e r y one of
y o u a g r e e d t o do a cert a in t h i n g for me if I
t a u g ht y o u a trade, and now not one of y o u will
keep his word. I did not b r ea k my w o r d w ith you,
but e v er y one of you has brok en his w o r d with
207
me. Now, I have not any m e r c y on you; I h ave not
the s l i g h t e s t h e s i t a t i o n in t r e a t i n g you
e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t l y f r o m th e m a c h i n i s t s . ' I
said, ' I know that ver y h e a v y social p r essure
has be e n put upo n you o u t s i d e t h e w o r k s to keep
you f r o m c ar r y i n g out your a g r e e m e n t wit h me,
and it is very d if f i c u l t for yo u to stand out
a g a i n s t t hi s pressure, but you o u g h t not to h a v e
ma d e y o u r ba r ga i n with me if y o u did not intend
to keep your end of it. Now, I am goi n g to cut
your r a t e in t w o t o m o r r o w and y o u a r e going to
work for half p r i c e f r o m n o w on. But all you
will h a v e to d o is to turn out a fair d a y ' s work
and y o u can earn bet t er w a g e s t h a n y o u hav e been
earning.'
T he s e men, of course, w e n t t o the
ma na g e m e n t , and pr o t e s t e d I w a s a tyrant, and a
ni g ge r driver, and for a long t i m e th e y stood
ri g h t b y the res t of the men in th e shop and
r e f u s e d to in c re a s e the i r o u t p u t a particle.
Finally, they all of a su dd e n g a v e ri g h t in and
did a f air dav's w o r k . 40
At t h i s point the older m a c h i n i s t s began
d e l i b e r a t e l y t o break their m a c h i n e s
d e m o n s t r a t e to the ma n ag e m e n t that
dr iv i ng t h e m e n . . . . "41
fines to p r e v e n t
sick and t i r e d
"as an object lesson to
a fool
f oreman was
Taylor the n r e s o r t e d to a s y s t e m of
overt sabotage,
of being fined,
and w hen t h e s e men
"got
the i r o p p o s i t i o n bro ke down,
and they p r o m i s e d to do a fair d a y ’s w o r k . "42
T h i s s t r u g g l e took t h r e e y e a r s of
r e s o l v e and ta u g h t Ta yl o r that an i n c r e a s e
could
"hard fighting"
in worker
to
output
be had o n l y when m a n a g e m e n t d i r e c t l y c on t ro l le d the
p ace and m e t h o d
of work,
over a p p r e n t i c e labor,
e li m i n a t e d
p r ev e n t e d
th e control
of skilled
group c o e r c i o n of new
workers,
and di l ut e d
l oyalty to
w o r k i n g c l a s s interests.
b ri n g i n g
in o r d i n a r y
l a borers to p e r f o r m f o r m e r l y skilled
In
208
jobs,
i ns t i l l i n g
l o y al t y to the new i n s tr u ct o r
•for t he n e w bonus,
and desire
T a y l o r ' s system b ro k e t h e informal
imposed work r a t e s and e li minated work e r d i s c r e t i o n
control.
worker
in job
T h is p r o c e s s often replaced w o r k e r s at t he top of
the labor h i e r a r c h y with those at t h e bottom,
r e m o v i n g the
old a u t h o r i t y of t h e skilled m e c h a n i c s over n ew w o r k e r s and
over u n s k i l l e d workers,
and instituting n e w l i n e s of
au t h o r i t y over w o r k speed that ran from m a n a g e m e n t
to worker
rather than f r o m work e r to worker.
A b o l i s h i n g t he traditional
m a n ag e r control,
•Bciantific or
f orms of f o r e m a n
and
t h e Taylor system creat e d a n ew c la s s of
"fun cti ona l" manag ers who a c h i e v e d
of th e traditional
s c ien tif ic work
p r o c e s s by gathering
knowl edg e wh ich
in the past had been p o s s e s s e d b'/ the
work me n and t h e n . . .classifying,
t hi s k n o w l e d g e t o rules,
with s c i e n t i f i c
expertise,
s e pa r at e p l a n n i n g
charts,
records,
laws,
"all
a
tabulating,
and red uc i ng
and formul a e .... " 43
functional
Armed
m a n a g e r s o c c up i ed a
r o o m with the t o o l s of t h e i r trade,
desks.
Ideally,
the p l a n n i n g r o o m was
s i t ua t ed in the c e n t e r of the fa c t o r y work area,
physically separated
books,
v i s i b l e but
from the w o r k m e n . The p l a n n i n g
d e p t a r t m e n t e l i m i n a t e d t h e need for the f l o o r b o s s e s and
fore me n of the old man ag e me n t system,
replacing
t h e m with
the d ai l y task d e s c r i p t i o n and a netw o rk of fu n ctional
m a n a g e r s . 44
The most v i s i b l e material
c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of
209
scientific management,
workman,
Taylor expl a in e d,
was that
"each
i n s t e a d of coming in d i r e c t c o n t a c t wit h the
m a n a g e m e n t at o n e point only,
namely,
t h r o u g h h is gang boss,
r e c e i v e s hi s d a i l y o r d e r s and hel p d i r e c t l y f r o m eight
d if f e r e n t
b o s s e s . "45
The four p l a n n i n g
order of w o r k a n d r o u t e clerk,
t h e t i m e and c o s t
f our shop
clerk,
t he instruction
the
card clerk,
and t h e sho p d i s c i p l in a ri a n.
b o s s e s g o v e r n e d execution:
s pee d boss,
b o s s e s were the
t h e gang boss,
i n s p e c t o r and the r e p a i r
The
the
boss.
By a c q u i r i n g w o r k e r s ’ k n o w l e d g e and t r an s fo r mi n g
it
i nto a " s c i e n c e " , T a y l o r ’s s y s t e m r e p l a c e d w o r k e r s ’ informal
application
■for its use.
of
k n o w l e d g e with
"The de vel o p m e n t
" i n vo l ve s the e s t a b l i s h m e n t
new rule s
and p r s s c r i p t i ons
of a s cie n c e , "
of m a n y rules,
argued Taylor,
laws and fo r mulae
whi c h r e p l a c e t h e j u dg m en t of the i n d iv i du a l
w o r k m a n .... "46
T h u s all of the p la n n i n g w hi c h under the
old s y s t e m wa s do n e by the w or kman, as a result
of h i s p e r s o n a l experience, must of n e c e s s i t y
un d e r t h e n e w s y s t e m be do n e by t h e m an a ge m en t
in a c c o r d a n c e with the laws of science; b ecause
e ven if t h e wo r k m a n was well s u i t e d to the
d e v e l o p m e n t and use of s c i e n t i f i c data, it would
be p h y s i c a l l y i m po s s i b l e for him t o work at his
m a c h i n e an d at a desk at t h e same time. It is
also c l e a r that in most ca s e s o n e t y p e of man is
ne e de d to pl a n ahead and an e n t i r e l y d i f fe r en t
ty p e t o e x e c u t e t h e w o r k . 47
T h e r em o v a l
th e p l a n n i n g
of
"brain work"
f r o m the shop floor to
d e p a r t m e n t pla c ed control
n a t u r e and p l a n n i n g
o v e r t h e speed,
of work in the h a n d s
of s c ientific
managers.
In p l a c e of w or k e r s c h oo s i n g t h e i r own work and
a cq u i r i n g
training
fr o m their f e l l o w workers,
the new
210
m a n a g e r s a s su m ed th e p ow e r to " s c i e n t i f i c a l l y se le c t and
then train,
te a c h and d e ve l o p th e w o r k m a n . ..."48 Under the
old system,
management
m e n ...."49
Now,
was
"looked upon as a q ue s ti o n of
the n e w ru l e s and f o r m u l a e w e r e boss,
a d m i n i s t e r e d b y men f r o m behind g l a s s walls,
t he i r r e f u t a b l e s o v e r e i g n t y of numbers.
l e g i t i m a t e d by
Indeed,
control
of
task m a n a g e m e n t c o n s t i t u t e d the e s s e n c e of T a y l o r ' s e n ti r e
s ys t em - a system,
w h i c h th ro u gh t i gh t e r
m a n a g e m e n t control
of work,
and m o r e i n t e g r a t e d
e f f e c t i v e l y e l i m i n a t e d worker
control.
Once management
it assumed the b ur d e n
shop flo or
and
ac q uired workers'
of pla nni ng
its h u m a n
keeping e l a b o r a t e r e cords,
instructions,
and parts,
and
knowledge,
of the entire
elements..
The need for
d e t a i l s and methods,
p ro v id i ng w r it t e n
for
work
g o v e r n i n g the s t o r a g e and m o v e m e n t of too l s
i n c r e a s e d the p e r c e n t a g e of s c i e n t i f i c
m a n a g e r s over that of
bosses.
and control
and material
"complets standardi zati on of all
formal
the old number of for e me n
The old m a n a g e m e n t philosophy,
and gang
Tay l or explained,
had
kept low t h e p r o p o r t i o n of n o n - p r o d u c e r s to p r o d u c e r s in a
factory,
n o n - p ro d uc e rs being
c l e r k s , t h e foremen,
dr af t s m e n
acLitally
varied
g a n g bosses,
[and] s a l e s m e n , "
work with t h e i r
investigated,
fro m
"all
the general
watchmen,
and producers,
officers,
me s s e n g e r
the
boys,
"only t h o s e who
hands. "50 In f a c t o r i e s Taylor
th e p r o p o r t i o n of n o n - p r o d u c e r s to p r o d u c e r s
1-6 to
1-11
or more.
His s y s t e m involv e d
an
211
a dm i t t e d l y
large in cr e as e in t h e n um b e r
producers,
to a p r o p o r ti o n of
1 to 4.
of n o n - p r o d u c e r s to
But he d e f e n d e d t h es e
c h a n g e s by po inting to i n c r e a se d p r o d u c t i o n and r e d u c e d
c osts un d e r hi s s y s t e m . 51
A l t ho u g h s c i e n ti f ic m a n a g e m e n t
of m a n a g e r s r e l a t i v e
authority.
to the old system,
increased t h e nu mb e r
it a llowed t h e m less
T aylor often in s is t ed that h i s s ystem c o u l d not
fu nc t io n w i th o u t the same p r i n c i p l e s bei n g a pplied to
management
as to workers.
Fu n ctional
m a n a g e m e n t in v ol v ed
s imilar a u t o m a t i z a t i o n and s u b d i v i s i o n of m a n a ge m en t
workers'
tasks,
"so di vi d in g t h e work of m a n ag e me n t that
each man from the ass istant s u p e r i n t e n d a n t down will
few -functicins as p oss i b l e to perform. "52
effect on m a n a ge m en t
s u b d i v i s i o n of
as of
h ave as
This had t h e same
li nkage to the task o rd e rs as d id the
labor among workmen,
r e p l a c e m e n t of personal
n e c e s s i t a t i n g t h e same
a u t h o r i t y and d i s c r e ti o n wi t h
d e f e r e n c e to s c i e n t i f i c a l l y d e t e r m i n e d work rules.
Eac h
f unctional
manager had to p e r f o r m a p r e a r r a n g e d , c a r e f u l l y
described,
h i e r a r c h i c a l l y c o n t r o l l e d fu n ct i o n within
i n t egrated
m a n a g e me n t system.
And,
an
for a manager t o re j e c t
his ro l e i mplied r e j e c ti o n of th e e n t i r e order.
Taken t o g e t h e r , t h e material
c h a n g e s e f f e c t e d by
T a y l o r ' s m et h o d of o r g a n i zi n g p r o d u c t i o n r e v o l u t i o n i z e d t he
f a c t o r y workplace,
production.
ac hi e vi n g a dr a ma t i c
T a y l o r i s m geared
speed-up of
i n c e n t i v e t o speed-up,
i nc reased t h e ratio of control
per s on n el
to workers,
r e mo v e d
21:
brain work from workers,
workmens'
subdivided
s t a t us to t h a t of
labor and r e l e g a t e d
objects,
sliced a way t h e h u m a n
and au t o n o m o u s e l e m e n t s of t h e work process,
and i n s i s t e d on
a b s o l u t e o b e d i e n c e to the a u t h o r i t y of planners.
a c c o m p l i s h i n g t h e s e changes.
th e individual
In
Taylorism effectively removed
j u d g m e n t and t e c h n ol o gi c al
k n o w l e d g e of
o r d i n a r y c r a ft s me n and t h e w o r k p l a c e a u thority and a u t o n o m y
t hi s carried,
and r e p l a c e d t h e s e with the r u l e s of
s c i e n t i f i c management.
By f o r c i n g the r a t i o n a l i t y of
m a c h i n e p r o d u ct i on on the l abor process,
owner control
over
all
Taylorism extended
p r e v i o u s l y worker c o n t r o l l e d
or
u n c o n t r o l l e d factors.
lag igciai
and
Ideglggicai
The result of t hi s r a d ic a l
O bjectives
t r an s f o r m a t i o n
in t he
material
work p r o c e s s w a s not just speed and e f f ic i en c y.
material
c h a n g e s w r o u g h t social
r e o r g a n i s a t i o n of workers'
i nt e r n a l i z a t i o n
authority,
material
fact,
of work
and ideological
changes - a
i n t e r e s t s and loyalties,
dis c ip l in e ,
an
a new o r i e n t a t i o n
and a d r a s t i c c u r t a i l m e n t of union power.
toward
The
s u b o r d i n a t i o n of t h e work e r to a method was,
h i s social
and i d e o l o g i c a l
s u p p o s e d l y c l a ss neutral
c a p i t a l i s t context.
subordination
in
subo r di n at i on t o t he
d e m a n d s of machine p r o d u c t i o n
in a
The g r o u n d s of the argument for t h i s
formed t h e b ul k of
T a y l o r ' s system.
The
the ideological
H o w e v e r , t h e ideological
content
of
c h an g es r e s u l t e d
21:
less f r o m the r h et o r i c of Ta yl o r and his f o l l o w e r s or the
n ew group
of s c i e n t i f i c
ideolo g ic a l
m a n a g e r s th a n by integral,
factors inherent
p r o c e s s e s of Taylorism.
objects,
p roducti o n" ,
what Marx c a l l e d the
p o t e n c i e s of t he material
and what T a y l o r himself
d e p e n d e n c e of the
l e s s o n s . 53
power of t e c h n o l o g y and
w ha t A l v i n Go u ld n e r t e r m e d the dialectic
of i d e o l o g y and t e c h n o l o g y ,
" i n tellectual
o b j e c t s and
T h u s s ci e n t i f i c m a n a g e m e n t
d e m o n s t r a t e d the i d e o l o g i c a l
m a t erial
in the m at e ri a l
systemic,
p r o c e s s of
r e c o g n i z e d as the
" m e n t a l " r e v o l u t i o n upon th e material
"Let no o n e i ma g ine," T aylor c a u t i o ne d ,
t hi s great cha nge
in t h e mental
i nc re a s e
activitv
in their
at tit u d e of
can be b rou ght
"that
th e men and the
about by merely
ta lk i ng to theiii. T h ei r real
instruction. . .must c o m e through
a s e r i e s of ob je c t
It is o nl y with
lessons.
t h e s e object
l e s s o n s in plain s i gh t t h a t the new t h e o r i e s can be made to
s t i c k . "54
T a y l o r ’s m e t h o d
p r o d d e d w o r k e r s i n t o a cc epting
o wn e r s d e f i n i t i o n s and t h i n k i n g about a l m o s t ev er y human and
material
a s p e c t of th e p r o d u c t i v e process.
a c c e p t a n c e in v ol v ed
T he key to that
i n t e r n a l i z i n g work d i s c i p l i n e and
r e d i r e c t i n g w o r k e r s ’ i n t e r e s t s and l o y a l t i e s away from
t h e m s e l v e s and the w o r k i n g
class,
t ow a rd t h o s e of capital.
T ay l or did not a tt e m p t to a c c o m p l i s h t h e s e c h a n g e s nakedly
by i n s i st i ng that w o r k e r s sho u ld adopt c a p i t a l ’s interests,
or crudely,
by r e p e a t i n g t h e National
Association
of
214
M an ufacturers'
a s s e r t i o n th a t wo rk e rs were i g n o r a n t of their
own interests.
He knew t h e f u t i l i t y of such a t t e m p t s given
the social
r e al i t y of h i s times.
There wa s no question,
he
often said,
that, t h r o u g h o u t th e industrial world, a
large part of the o r g a n i z a t i o n of e m p l o y e r s , as
well as employes, is for war rather t h a n for
peace, and that p e r h a p s t h e ma j or i ty on e it h e r
side do not b e l i e v e that it is p o s s i b l e to so
a rr a n g e their mutual r e l a t i o n s that t h e i r
i n t e re s ts b e c o m e i d e n t i c a l .The m a j o r i t y of the s e
men b e l i e v e th a t t h e fundamental i n t e r e s t s of
e mp l o y e s and e m p l o y e r s are ne c e s s a r i l y
antagoni sti c .55
A lmost a l o n e a m o n g the spokesmen for
age,
Taylor
workers'
Given
acknowledged
h o s t i l i t y tow a r d
reasonable,
social
e m p l o y s r s and far
setting,
pu r po s ef u l
manner,
i m m e d i at e in di v id u al
T ay l or saw as rational
instance,
within
an
workers behaved
and c l a s s i n t e r e s t s . 56
behavior,
in a
What
members of t h e NAM,
for
and c o n t r a r y t o the real
When M i d v a l e wor k er s a s k e d T aylor
"for their own b e s t
more work,
soldiarinq.
en t ir e ly c o n s i s t e n t with
c o n d e mn e d as i r ra tional
i nt e re s ts of workers.
w h ether
he said,
in his
ba s is for both
"genera ti o ns of b i t t e r experiences"
an ta g on i st i c
their
t h e rational
capital
interest",
t h ey s h o u l d turn out
he an sw e re d t h a t we r e he in their
"fight a g ai n st t u rn i n g out
any more work,
d o i n g . " And h i s r ea s on r e f l e c t e d theirs:
place,
he would
j u s t as th e y were
" b e c a u s e under the
piece work s y s t e m ths.’y w o u l d be allowed t o e a r n no more
wages than they had been earning,
to work h a r d e r . "57
and yet t h e y w ou l d be made
215
T a yl o r' s
"firm c o n v i c t i o n t ha t the t r ue i n t e re s ts of
the t w o are one and th e s a m e. . ., " meant,
ultimately,
that
t h e i n te r es t s of labor had to b e s e c u r e d for t h e s e rv i ce of
capital.
To Taylor,
in th eir own self
th e fact t h a t w o r k e r s a c te d r a ti o n a l l y
inte r es t was the centr a l
c o n s c i o u s n e s s which had to be t r a n s f o r m e d
to l o y a lt y to e m pl o ye r
t heir
interest.
managers,
then,
best endeavors,
knowledge,
a word,
Their
lay in
i n it i a t i v e foll o we d
The task of
"inducing each w o r k m a n to use his
his h ar d es t work,
all
his ingenuity,
'in itiative,'"
can to further
T h ei r
into what a m ou n te d
interest must b e changed.
his skill,
his
interests.
elem e nt of work er
so as to
his e m p l o y e r ' s
h i s traditional
and his good-will
- in
"do every thi ng that he
i n t e r e s t . "58
In other
words,
he sought to i n t e r n a l i s e work d i s c i p l i n e which had been
external 1 y imposed by managerial
fa c t o r y system.
a u t h o r i t y under the old
The w o rker m ust d r i v e himself.
Given worker a n t a g o n i s m t o w ar d employers,
this t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of
d i s c i p l i n e had to occur
i n te r es t s of capital
this,
c l a s s neutral
worker
loyalty and i n t e r n a l i s a t i o n of work
indirectly.
L ab o r must s erve the
w i t ho u t r e a l i s i n g
it.
To a c complish
s ci e n t i f i c m a n a g em e nt r e d i r e c t e d the self
both capital
however,
smd labor to a n e w
in t e r e s t s of
v al u e of sc i e n t i f i c goals.
"uni ty of i n t e r e s t s " - t o t he
"science."
i nt e r e s t s by c o nv i n c i n g
interest of
T a y l o r i s m r edefined
t h em of t h e legi t im a cy and
In p l ac e of the d i v e r g e n c e of
i nt e r e s t s and c lass warfare,
and in l i e u of shifting
216
workers'
i n t e r e s t s d i r e c t l y to tho s e of capital,
unity of i n t e r e s t s c r e a t e d an i de o l o g y whi ch
lo ya l ty to t he mo r e a c c e p t a b l e goal
i ncreasing p r o d u c t i o n for mutual
that th e s t r u g g l e b e t w e e n capital
the new
ge a r e d wor k er
of s c i e n t i f i c a l l y
benefit.
Tay l or
understood
and labor was over the
d i v is i on of s u r p l u s p r o f i t s known to both sides.
d eny t h e e x i s t e n c e of t h e s e profits,
R at h e r than
he used the goal
of
s c i e n t i f i c a l l y c o n t r o l l e d p ro d u c t i o n to shi f t the f o c u s of
both capital
and labor,
to
"take their e y e s off the d iv i si o n
of the s u r p l u s as t h e i mp o rt a nt matter,
their
a tt e n t i o n t o w a r d
and t o g e t h e r turn
i n cr e as i ng the size of the
s u r pi u s . .. ."59
By and
of inte r es t s"
individual
large,
through
wage
ideology.
the id e ol o gy in h erent
incentives,
piece rat e system.
its material
Tavlori so sought to a c h i e v e the
in this case,
as id e gl g gy
in a s y s t e m of
the diff e re n ti a l
It was at t h i s point that
expression
t e c h n o l o g y and
i nf ormed worker
The p i e c e ra t e s ys t e m g e ne r at e d wo r ke r
by g earing the ir
but to a higher
d et e r m i n e d
initiative
i n t e r e s t s not d i r e c t l y to t h o s e of capital,
set of
long r an g e interests,
scientifically
and o s t e n s i b l y f ree from cl a s s bias.
r e d i r e c t i o n of
"unity
T hi s
in terests effectively replaced w o r k e r s ’
desire to so l di e r w i t h a d e s i r e to a c h i e v e m a x i m u m ou tp u t
for individual
demands,
gain t h r o u g h c o m p l i a n c e not with e mp l o y e r
but with
p roductivity.
a scientific prescription
for h i gh e r
The s y s t e m spoke to w or k e r s in te r m s of thes e
217
h ighe r
interests,
immediate,
l e gi t i m a t i n g its d e m a n d s by offering
individual
material
r e w a r d to t h o s e g i v in g
per cent a l l e g i a n c e to the r ules for
O f f e r i n g b o n u s e s as i n ce n ti v e aimed
the s y s t e m m a de individual
task performance.
at
individual
The p iece r a t e
s y s t e m c r e at e d an e x t r a spur to p r o d u c t i v i t y
losing t h e e n t i r e p ie c e p a y m e n t
discharged
if o n e c o u l d not work at
To affix
workers'
effort,
d es i re and a b i l i t y c o n s t i t u t e the
d i f f e r e n c e b e t w ee n s u c c e s s and fail ur e .
fear of
100
in t h e form of
or even being
T a y l o r ' s e x t re m e speeds.
i n i t i a t i v e and
interest to the
getti ng of money w i t hi n a s y s t e m , to gear h is individual
reward to his individual
grea te r
Monetary
stake
in the effi c ie n t w o r k i n g of that system.
i n c e nt i ve p r o v i d e d worker
than did coercion.
himself
producti vi t y was to give him a
c o m p l i a n c e more easil y
A work er who b e l i e v e d
he was working for
in both an i m m e di a te and l o n g r a n ge s ense did not
need to be coerced,
but he w e lc o me d
i n c re a se d h i s own producti v it y .
substantial
any meth o d which
"The f e e l i n g that
j u s t i c e is being done,"
T a y l or explained,
r e n d e r s them, on t h e whole, much more
manly, s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d and t r u th f ul . They work
m ore c h e e r f u l l y and are more o b l i g i n g to one
another and t h ei r employers. T h e y are not
soured, as u n de r the old system, b y brooding
over t he i n j u s t i c e done them; and th eir spare
m i nu t es are not spent to t h e s a m e e x t en t in
c r i t i c i s i n g t h ei r e m p lo y er s and their b o s s e s , 60
T hus the s y s t e m of i n d i v i d u a l i z e d w a g es and bonu s es
s u b v e r t e d c o l l e c t i v e g o v e r n a n c e of o u t p u t
and deflected
218
a n t a g o n i s m toward the s y s t e m and erased n o t i o n s of c h a n g i n g
t h e s ys t em as a whole.
In t h i s manner,
technology provided
t h e g r o u n d s wh e r e b y the i n t e r e s t s of labor
in m a x i mu m labor
u t i l i z a t i o n b e c a m e one w ith t h o s e of capital.
worker
The shift in
loyalty c o n s t i t u t e d a r e v o l u t i o n a r y t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of
worker co n sciousness.
m an a g e m e n t
T a y l or clai me d that sci e nt i fi c
"in its e s s e n c e " ,
i n v o lv e s a c o m p l e t e mental r ev o l u t i o n on
t h e part of the w o r k i n g m a n enga ge d in any
p ar t i c u l a r e s t a b l i s h m e n t or i n du s tr y - a
c o m p l e t e mental r e v o l u t i o n on the part of these
men as to t heir d u t i e s t oward their work, toward
t heir f e l l o w man, and t o w ar d their e m p l o y e r s . 61
T a v l o r 's svst em w o r ke d to defu s e the is sue of the
surp lus by r e d ire cti ng the i n te res ts of both s i des toward
the goal
of higher
rationality.
p r o d u c t i v i t y governed
With the d e f e r e n c e of both capital
t h e d em a nd s of s c i e n t i f i c managers,
latter assumed
of work,
by s ci e n t i f i c
large pro p or t io n s.
s c i e n t i f i c m a n a g e r s could
and labor to
the i d e o lo g y of the
T h r o ug h a total
control
impart a "scientific"
ideo lo g y - d i r e ct e d t o ward ac h i e v i n g m o re effi c ie n t
production.
But this goal
was,
in effect,
t h e r e c o n c i l i a t i o n of i n t e r e s t s achieved
c ap i t a l ' s goal,
under owners'
terms,
direc t ed by m a n a g e r s w h o s e d e f e r e n c e to s c i en c e
masked
their al l e g i a n c e to the ever
c a p i ta l is t producti o n .62
incr e as i ng d e m a n d s of
The p r o c e s s of s h i f ti n g a l l e g i a n c e
to a sci e nt i fi c p r o c es s i m p e r s o n a l i z e d owner
i n t e r e s t s under
t h e l e g i t im a cy of m a c h i n e r a t i o n a l i t y and s c i e n t i f i c
d e l i ve r in g
a ll e g i a n c e of both capital
an
law.
By
labor to functional
219
managers,
th e s m o o t h l y run,
con-flict free,
highly p ro ductive
f a c t o r y co u ld be m a d e real.
In its my r i a d of control
c re a t e d a n e w o r i e n t a t i o n
old
techniques,
toward a u t h o r i t y which d e s t r o y e d
labor and m a n a g e m e n t hierarchies,
w orker
r ed u ce d w o r k e r to
input and i n t e r a c t i o n and s t r e n gt h en e d
with owners.
T aylorism
communication
The most o b v i o u s e l e m e n t s of control
in T a y l o r i s m w e r e a)
d e m a n d s for
in he r en t
100 per cent compliance,
b)
th e p r o l i f e r a t i o n of di r e c t a u t h o r i t y f ig u r e s over workmen;
c)
the u n i f o r m i t y d em a n d e d by the subdivision,
standardization ritualization
and d ) the m y s t i f i c a t i o n
and h a b i t u a t i o n of each job;
of the technological
b asi s of the
work process.
Ail
the t e c h n i q e s of m a n a ge men t and control
T a y l o r i s m we r e f or c ed upon the worker
it i m p o s s i b l e for hi m to refuse.
scientific
fu ll y in
in toto.
in
in a manner that made
Taylor st r uc t ur e d
m a n a g e m e n t so that w o rk e r s had to p a r t i c i p a t e
all
a s p e c t s of the work plan or r e f u s e th e s ys t e m
"An y th i ng
wh ol e sy s te m ,"
he
short of c o m p l e t e ut i l i z a t i o n of the
insisted,
"leaves such a large part of the
game in t h e h a n d s of the wo rk m en that
it b e co m e s
la r g e l y a
m atter of w h i m or c a p r i c e on their part as to w h e t h e r t h e y
will
a l l o w you to h a v e any r es u l t s or n o t ."63
m a n a g e r s p l an n e d
each w or k task
it into t he m as t e r
refusing,
in advance,
Sc i e n t i f i c
so i n t e g r a t i n g
work plan of the en t ir e plant that
or s o l d i e r i n g aff e ct e d the f lo w of work w it h i n the
220
larger process.
cooperation,
T hi s i n t e g r a t i o n dema nd e d a d e g r e e of
c o u p l e d with m a n a g e m e n t leadership,
w h ich made
" e ntirely i m p o s s i b l e . . .the i n d e p en d en t i n d i v i d u a l i s m which
c h a r a c t e r i z e s the old t y p e of m a n a g e m e n t . "64
r e ce i ve d d e t ai l ed w r i t t e n
what
Each worker
instructions describing
"not only
is to be d o ne but h o w it is to be d o ne and t h e exact
t i m e allow e d for d o i ng
management,
Taylor
i t . "65
exp la i ne d ,
In any shop u nder
scie n tf i c
"there is h a r d l y a s i n g l e act
or p i e c e of work d o n e by any workm a n in the shop which
not p r e ce d ed and f o l l o w e d
m a n a g e m e n t . "66
W or k er
c o m p l i a n c e forced,
manager
by some act on the part o f . . . t h e
di s c r e t i o n was removed,
100 per cent
and no one allowed to work w i th out
directives.
Under the old f a c t o r y system,
s t r u c t u r e c o n t ai n ed
noted,
is
both formal
other workers,
and informal
elements.
As
in p a r t i c u l a r sk i lled craftsmen,
c o n s t i t u t e d the informal
network,
the shop or yard foremen,
c o n t ac t with a formal
the a u t h o r i t y
and management,
u s u al l y
c o n s t i t u t e d the workers'
r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the owner.
a b o l i s h e d the informal
o nly
Having
s t r u c t u r e of worker control,
s c i e n t i f i c m an a g e m e n t
g r e a t l y expanded the n u mb e r of b o ss e s
h avin g d ir e ct control
o ve r workers.
t h e close,
daily c o n t a c t
Under t h e n e w system,
and the i n te gration of w o r k e r s and
m a n a g e r s into one s y s t e m w a s d e si g ne d to p r e c l u d e a r g u m e n t s
and compel
c o op e ration.
"All
are d o v e t ai l ed in b e t w e e n
day long,
e very w o r k m a n ’s acts
c o r r e s p o n d ! n g acts of t h e
221
m a n a g e m e n t . First the w o r k ma n d oe s something,
on the m a n a g e m e n t ' s s i d e d o e s s o m e t h i n g . ..,
intimate,
close,
personal
and then
a man
and u nder this
c o o p e r a t i o n betw ee n t he two it
b e c o m e s p r a c t i c a l l y i m p o s s i b l e t o h av e a s e r i o u s g u a r r e l ."67
Taylor r ec o g n i z e d the
even an e x ch a ng e of
i m p o r t a n c e of avoiding a r guments,
i d e as be t w e e n m a na g e m e n t
manager should p a r t i c u l a r l y
the workmen.
or
and labor.
The
"avoid match i ng h i s w i t s with
M a k e d o g m a t i c s t a t e m e n t s an let it go at that.
A r gu m en t is t h e b e g i n n i n g of mental
o p p o s i t i o n . ..."68
Alth ou g h T a y l o r often c l a i m e d that the n ew au t h o r i t y
s t r u ct u re allo we d for worker p a r t i c i p a t i o n
making,
this was not the case.
in d e ci s io n
T a y lor and most
fo l l o w e r s did not a s c r i b e to the phi l o s o p h y of
democracy,
industrial
which p r e t e n d e d to labor pa r t i c i p a t i o n
m a n a g e m e n t , prom o te d by the National
the contrary,
of methods,
of his
T a y l o r i s m d e m a nd e d
enf or c ed
work i ng conditions,
in
Civic F e de ration.
On
" enfo r ce d s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n
ad o p t i o n of the best i m p l e m e n t s and
and e n f o r c e d c o o p e r a t i o n . ...
And the
duty of enfo r ci n g t h e a d o pt i on of s t a nd a rd s and of e nforcing
this c o o p e r a t i o n r e s t s with the m a n a ge m en t a l o n e . "69
Scie nt i fi c m a n ag e me n t
to the contrary,
employer,"
wa s still
it c o u l d
management.
"in t h e h a n d s of a g r a s p i n g
as J ames M a p e s D o d g e cautioned,
an in s trument
D e s p i t e c l aims
of o p p r e s s i o n
"be made as much
as any other m et h od of h a nd l in g
labor now in f o r c e . "70
Under T a y l o r ’s system,
work was
" d e l ib e ra t ey taken
out of t h e w o r k m a n ' s ha n d s "
for control
purposes.
k n o w l e d g e and control
of wo r k we r e removed,
lost t he k n o w l e d g e of
ho w to control
advantage,
m a k i n g workers'
control
w o r k e r s also
work to their
m o r e di ff i cu l t and
c o o p e r a t i o n mu c h easier.
And
m a n a g e m e n t , and the goal
of m a n a g m e n t to i n cr e as e
p ro d uction,
that goal.
then,
ultimately,
When
if work was co n t r o l l e d by
all d e c i si o ns w e re gu id e d by
W o r k e r s had t o leave d e c i s i on s they once m a d e to
the i n e v i t a b l y p r e j u d i c e d ju dg m en t of the bosses.
Ta y lo r
f un c tional
c o m p a r e d t h e ex p an d e d a ut hority s t r u c t u r e of
management
to the m a n a g e me n t of a "large,
u p - t o - d a t e s c h o o l " w h e r e i n chi ldr en
hand"
and given
are daily
“taken
in
i n d i v i d u a l i z e d tra ini ng by specialists,
rather than the old st y l e of one teacher to a c l a s s . 71
an al o g y d e m o n s t r a t e d
t h e didactic,
discipii na ry, intimidating
control
pe rs o nn e l
It a l s o su ggests the de g r e e to
a m o r e a u t h o ri t ar i an attitude,
c o n d i t i o n Hugh Ati ken d i s c o v e r e d
the W a t e r t o w n
paternalistic,
va l u e in the in c re a se in ratio of
to workers.
which m a n a g e r s ass u me d
This
a
in s ci e ntific m a n a g e r s at
arsenal :
To an a p p r e c i a b l e d e g r e e one of t h e s i de
e f f e c t s of T a y l o r i s m was to m a k e pe rs o ns of
e x e c u t i v e and s u p e r v i s o r y ra n k regard t h e m s e l v e s
as mo r e i m p or t an t people, with greater control
over wh a t h a p p e n e d in t he pl an t than b e f o r e . 72
Yet a n ot h e r f a c t o r
a u t h o r i t y und e r
in th e e x pa nsion of managerial
s c i e n t i f i c m a n a g e m e n t was the dr am a ti c
i n c r e a s e in t h e u n i f o r m i t y of a ction which n e c e s s a r i l y
a c c o m p a n i e d the s u b d i v i s i o n
and r i t u a l i z a t i o n of w o r k tasks.
The h a b i t u a t i o n of work g u a r a n t e e d the m i n d l e s s r e p e t i t i o n
of m a n a g e m e n t p re s c r i b e d tasks.
F a c t o r s which d i v i d e and
a t o m i z e the m e m b e r s of a g roup d i l u t e its c o h e s i v e n e s s and
in c r e a s e th e h e g e m o n i c po wer of t h o s e who govern.
Br a v e r m a n ri g h t l y noted,
t h e d i v i s i o n of labor not o n l y
c h e a p e n s its p a r t s but a d d s to t h e control
T ay l or l a me n te d the
As H a r ry
" g reat u n e v e n n e s s
p o s s i b i 1 i t i e s . 73
" and the
un if o r m i t y "
of work e r b e h a v i o r
his d a y . 74
Under s c i e n t i f i c man a ge m en t ,
"lack of
in even the best run
s h o p s of
sta nd a rd ! zi n g,
s u b d i v i d i n g and r i t u a l i z i n g w o r k el e m e n t s t h r o u g h o u t
we re prslimi nary to s pec i f y i n g
for each task,
to i nsisting
a shop
t h e amount of t i me a l l o t t e d
that
the job be done in that
time,
p r e v e n t i n g work er
discretion
time,
and in h a b i t u a t i n g the w o r k e r to new work r i t u a l s
which a c cu s t o m e d the worke r to
[work]
in the use of t o o l s and
" c o n t i n t u a l l y and h a b i t u a l l y
in a c c o r d a n c e with s c i e n t i f i c
de v e l o p e d by s o m e o n e e l s e . "75
T h e worker a c q u i r e d t h e h abit
of lea r ni n g what m a n a g m e n t taught.
T ay l or argued,
laws which h a v e been
"are m or e a f f e c t e d
"The l i ves of men,"
by the h a b it s w h i c h
they
f or m than by any other one i n f l u e n c e . "76 And t h e s e h a b i t s
g o v er n b e h a v i o r
in and out of t h e shop:
When men s pend t h e great e r part of t h ei r
a c t iv e w or k in g ho urs in r e g u l a t i n g t heir e v e ry
move me n t in a c c o r d a n c e w it h clea r -c u t f o r m u l a t e d
laws, they f o r m h a b i t s w h i c h i n e v it a bl y affe ct
and in m a n y ca ses control t h e m in their f a m i l y
life, and in all of t heir a ct s outs id e of
224
w or k in g hours. Wit h almost c e r t a i n t y th e y begin
to gu i d e th e re s t of their li ve s a c c o r d i n g to
t h e p r i n c i p l e s and laws, and to try to insist
upon t h o s e a r o u n d th e m doing t h e s a m e . 77
The m y s t i f i c a t i o n and sp e c i a l i z a t i o n
of the
s c ie n ti f ic r a t i o n a l e u n d e r l y i n g the w o r k p r o c e s s f u r ni s he d
yet a no t he r e l e m e n t
management.
control,
in th e au t h o r i t y s t r u c t u r e of scientific
" Sc i en t i f i c "
but
law repla c ed worker
kn o wl e d g e and
law b e c o m e so c o m p li c at e d that w i th o u t th e help
of c o l l e g e t r a i n e d s c i e n t i f i c m a n a g e r s the o r d i n a r y workman
could not f u l l y u n d e r s t a n d
skilled mechanics,
it.78
And the same was true with
"men who are more c a pa b l e of
g eneral i za t io n ,
and w h o would be more l i k e l y . . . t o ch o o s e the
more s c i e n t i f i c
and bet t e r
scien ti f ic
laws g o v e r n i n g
m e t h o d s . "79
skilled j obs
that the high p ri c e d m e ch a n i c needs
cheap
laborer)
himself
"are so
t he l a w s . . . . "80
intricate
(even m ore than the
t h e c o o p e r a t i o n of men better
in f i nd i n g
been t h e case,
But even the
ed u ca t ed than
W h i l e t h i s may not have
t r a n s f e r r i n g t e ch n ological
e x p e r t i s e and
l egiti m ac y to the p l a n n i n g depa rt m en t g u a r a n t e e d the result.
Taken toget he r ,
techniques,
the direct control
t h e s u b d i v i s i o n of labor,
d e m an d ed by st a nd a r d i z a t i o n ,
m a n ag e me n t
the u n i f o r m i t y
h a b i t u a t i o n and ri t ua lization
of work and the d e l i b e r a t e obscur i ng of tec hn o lo g ic a l
under
data
s c i e n t i f i c m a n a g e m e n t , all p r ev e n t e d t h e e x er c i s e of
w o r k e r s ’ will
and g r e a t l y increased the di re c t a u t h o r i t y of
owners.
A l t h o u g h the mos t potent input cam e f r o m f ac t o r s
225
with i n
its material
operation,
a h e a vy dose of verbal
s ci e n t i f i c m a n a ge m en t offered
p r o n o u n c e m e n t s on the n a t u re of
la b o r e r s and t heir organizations.
i d eo l og y in t he
As with most emplo y er
late nin e te e nt h century,
a s s u m p t i o n s a b ou t natural
c o n t em p or a ry
law and human n a ture c o n d i t i o n e d
T a y l o r ' s image of the worker.
In a s s e s s i n g the natu re of men,
m a n a g e m e n t d r e w many distinctions:
first betw ee n the
l aboring p o p u l a t i o n and e v e r yo n e else,
t h e laboring po p u l a t i o n
itself.
s c ie n ti f ic
and second,
In an a dd r es s to the facu lt y
and s t u d e n t s of the Harvard B u s i n e s s School
instance,
Tavlor
"us"
and
environmental
f o r c e s wh ich
a c c e n t u a t e and i n t e n s i f y certain
" temporarily
qualities,"
crea ti n g
d i f f e r e n c e s between the t w o classes."
each c l a ss p e r c e i v e d the other as
animal,"
rightly,
the a c a d em i c group s e ei n g w o r k e r s "slouciiing along
ch e w i n g tobacco,
p as s by,
Thus,
"a dif f er e nt kind of
the s t r e et on t he i r way back f r o m work,
seeing
"the.m. " Although
"both classes of men are e s s e n t i a l l y the
he cited
"actual
for
by his au d i e n c e and the class of workmen.
He referred to t hes e groups as
same,"
in 1909,
explained the d i f f e r e n c e betwe en the class
of men r e p r e s e n t e d
c l a im i ng that
within
with d i r ty clothes,
in many c ases h a r d l y looking up as they
s tolid and i n d i f f e r e n t - 1 o o k i n g ...," and the w o r ke r s
"in men of our class m e r e l y the outward s i g ns of
p r o s p e r i t y — good clothes,
and t h e p o s s es s io n of c a r r ia g es
and a u t o m o b i l e s — the carel e ss h o l i d a y look,
a c c om p an i ed by
226
short wo r k i n g
h o u r s . ..."81
S uch c l a s s d i f f e r e n c e s en a b l e d Ta yl o r t o m a k e clear
ce rt a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of each class.
"spent t he i r
l i v e s in o be y i n g ot h e r p e o p l e ' s o r de r s , "
"they s e e men of our c l a s s f r e q u e n t l y
g iv i ng o r d e r s , " th e y t h e r e f o r e
apparent
S i n c e w o r k m e n hav e
in our c a p a c i t y of
"occupy t h e p o s i t i o n of
i n f e r i o r i t y to u s . " Al t h o u g h t h e y r e ga r d
as "just a s good and jus t as i mp o rt a nt as you and
a p p e a r a n c e of
that
i n f e r i o r s . "82
cultivate
workers
themsleves
I," the
i n f e r i o r i t y m a k e s them e t e r n a l l y s u p i c i o u s
"ma ny of us,
to s cie t i f i c
while
at
least,
look upon t h e m as our
S i n c e p r e t e n s i o n s to s u p e r i o r i t y w e r e
manag eme nt,
an u n a s s u m i n g
"on the i r
own
"fatal"
c o l l e g e trained m a n a g e r s should
manner,
level,"
dress plainly,
spea k to
" ca ref ull y avoid the s li ght est
s e m b l a n c e of s n o b b e r y , " and o t h e r w i s e o b s c u r e c l a s s
d i f f e r e n c e s wit h w o r k e r s . 83
In th i s vein,
w or k ed with the ir
Ta y lo r s e p a r a t e d t y p e s of m en who
b r a i n s f rom t ho s e with l im i te d mental
c a p a c i t i e s wh o w o r k e d w i t h the i r hands.
Taylor expla i ne d ,
"In mos t c a s e s , "
"one t y p e of man is n ee d e d to p l a n ahead
and an e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t t y p e t o e x e c u t e the w o r k . "84
B ec a u s e of the c o m p l i c a t e d n a t u r e of t h e s c i e n t i f i c a l l y
c o n t r o l l e d w ork process,
doing t h e work
the p er s o n
"best s ui t e d t o a c tu a l l y
is i n c a p a b l e of full y u n d e r s t a n d i n g
s c i e n c e . . .."85 C on v er s el y ,
s c i e n c e do brai n work,
th i s
t h o s e best abl e to u n d e r s t a n d
not p hy sical
labor.
U n l i k e workers.
227
t he s e
" i n t e l l i g e n t and e d uc a te d m e n " had
of g e n e r a l i s i n g
and e v e r y w h e r e lo o k i n g for laws"
t h e r e f o r e as s u m e d the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of
out of w o r k . "86
education
a c q u i r e d the
"mak(ing)
"habit
and
a sc i en c e
E ven if a w o r k m a n w e r e give n t h e ne c es s a r y
and h a b i t s of g e n e ra l is a ti o n,
t he d e m a n d s of his
work wo u ld
lea v e n ei t h e r time nor o p p o r t u n i t y for d e ve l op i ng
scientific
laws.
i n t el l ec t ua l
T h i s h i e r a r c h y of t y p e s c e m e n t e d
w i t h c l a s s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and e x p l a i n e d to men
of T a y l o r ’s c l a s s w h y w o r k e r s coul d no t c o m p r e h e n d the
en t i r e p r o d u c t i v e process.
W it h i n t h e
implied
a d e g r e e of
labori n g class,
d e s i r a b i l i t y and u n d e s i r a b i l i t y
ultimately predicated
t o fulfill
a r a n g e of mental
"first class"
ordin a ry "
on w o r k e r s ’ c a p a c i t y and w i l l i n g n e s s
t he d e m a n d s of employers.
d if fe rentiated
from
T a y l o r ’s d i s t i n c t i o n s
and physical
men such as m a c h i n i s t s down
w o r k e r s such
T h i s physical
The d i f f e r e n c e b etween
d is c r e d i t
the
animal
labo r for heavy
"first c la s s men and the poor
as b e t w e e n fi n e dra y h o r s e s and
"There are big powerful
"suited t o h e a v y work just
wa gon."
"very
p o i n t i n g to the ideas
age which u t i l i z e d human
o n e s is quite as gre a t
coal
to
d e s c r i p t i o n of t en used a n a l o g i e s with
of an u n m e c h a n i z e d
d o n k e y s . "87
competence,
as s h o v e l e r s and pig iron handlers.
labor su c h as that of h or s e s or oxen,
moving.
Taylorism
men," he of te n said,
as d r a y h o r s e s are su i t e d to the
And he used these d i s t i n c t i o n s to b e l i t t l e and
" a b s ur d it y " of th e t r a d e un i on p o s i t i o n that
228
all
work me n on a p a r t i c u l a r
or rate.
job sh ould be p a id t h e same w age
This i n ju r es t h e b e t t e r w o r k m a n , h e argued,
d r i v e s the work p e r f o r m a n c e of all
of t h e slowest,
p o o r e s t worker,
and
w o r k e r s d ow n to the level
which was
" q u i t e a s absurd
as l imiting the work of a fine d ra y h o us e t o that of a
d o n k e y . "88
"Men a re not b o r n equal",
he i n sisted,
"and any
a tt e mp t to m ak e t h e m so is c o n t r a r y to n a t u r e ’s laws and
will
f a i l . "89
T aylor i d e n t i f i e d t h e " e normous d i f f e r e n c e s between
t he amount of work which a f irst c l a s s man can do under
f a v o r a b l e c i r c u m s t a n c e s and the work w hich
by the aver age m a n ."90
C l a i m i n g that
a " d ef ini te clear cut
law ex i stsd as to what consti t utea a full
first class l aborer,"
this law and then
w o r k e r s . 91
difficult.
d a y ’s work for a
T a y l o r i s m s c i e n t i f i c a l l y asc ert ain ed
e x t r a c t e d a full
A work task should
He advised,
first c lass m a n . 92
is a c t u a l l y done
d a y ’s w o r k f r o m
" p u r p o s e l y ” be m a d e so
t ha t it can only be a c c o m p l i s h e d by a
T a y lo r a d m i tt e d that t h i s a m o u n t of work
was often four t i m e s or m o r e g r ea t er t han t h e w o r k e r had
pe r f o r m e d under o r d i n a r y m a n a g e m e n t
and t hat
"not more than
one out of 5 la b o r e r s c ou l d keep u p . "93
G iven t h e s e e x t r e m e w o r k demands,
d i f f e r e n c e s in physical
and t h e vast
a b i l i t i e s among w o r k i n g men,
sc ie n t i f i c m a n a g e m e n t s e le c te d f r o m this r a n g e of a b i l it y
the s t r o ng e st and most able,
for only t h e s e w e r e ca p a b l e of
w o r k i n g under great stra in at an a c c e l e r a t e d pace.
In his
229
f amous e x p e r i m e n t s w i t h pig iron hand le r s in t h e Be t h l e h e m
Steel
yard in the s p r i n g of
the most fit w o r k e r
1899,
Taylor,
t h r o u g h s e lecting
and u t i l i zi n g sci e nt i fi c tec h ni q ue s ,
i ncreased the a v e r a g e d a i l y weight of iron e a c h man handled
f rom 12 1/2 t o 47 tons.
In t he s e experiments,
in e ight s e l ec t ed h a d t h e physical
"fair day's w o r k . "94 But,
c a p ac i ty t o s u s t ai n a
he added,
when f ir s t c l a s s men
appl ie d t h e m s e l v e s t o pig iron loading,
(sic)
o n l y one man
"none of t h e m were
o v e r w o r k e d . "95
B etwe e n t h e s e
"first cl ass men" and t h e
T a y l o r i s m d re w a h a r s h
line.
"losers,"
Although the s y s t e m guaranteed
high w ages for the f ew who s ucc e s s f u l l y a c c o m p l i s h e d work
tasks,
it also d e m a n d e d
failure." When
a worker
be sure that soon er
or
that workers suffer
failed,
" l ess in case of
Taylor explained,
later he will
be the l o se r by i t ."96
S ince f a i l ur e was t h e w o r k e r ' s fault in the moral
of T a y l o r ’s day,
b y his own
a d o n k e y t o do draft h or s e work,
f a il u re to p e r f o r m on workers'
their
laziness.
universe
he r i g h t l y suffered the conseque n ce s .
Ignoring the n o t i o n t h a t he might be asking,
definitions,
"he should
Any w o r k er
shortcomings,
in any job,
T a yl o r blamed
in p a r ti c ul a r
he ma i ntained,
b e co m e a first c l a s s m a n if he put forth t he effort.
could
Taylor
insisted that the a c c e l e r a t e d pace was not i n j u r i o u s over a
long period of time,
but on t h e contrary,
" s t r o n g e r , h a p pi e r and
more contented
"the o nly man who d o e s not c o me under
m ad e the worker
in doing
it. "97
'first class'
Thus,
is the
230
man w h o can w o r k
and w on't w o r k . "98
S uch men w e r e analogous
to o t h e r w i s e -first c l a s s dray h o r s e s wh o balk,
who
"are so a b s o l u t e l y lazy t ha t t h ey won't
haul a coal wagon. And in t h e s a m e w a y . . . w e have
s o m e b a l k y w o r k m e n . ..who, p h y s i c a l l y well able
to work, a r e s i m p l y lazy, and w h o t h r o u g h no
a m o u n t o-f teachi n g ... Cor ] k i nd l y t r e a t m e n t can
be b r o u g h t i n t o the 'f i r s t - c l a s s ' ."99
Although
fi rst c l a s s c l e a r l y i m p l i e d t he exis t en c e
of o ther cl a s s e s ,
no place existed
first c l a s s w o r k e r s .
i m p o r t a n c e of
And this p o i n t e d up t h e critical
s c i e n t i f i c s e l e ct i on of w o r k e r s in order to
s e p a r a t e t h o s e w h o are
m ethods"
"willing
and able t o a dopt the new
f r o m t h e o t h e r s . 100
The m a t e r i a l
of w i d e s p r e a d
workers.
in T a y l o r i s m for any but
co nd i t i o n s of
unemployment
Workers
also shaped T a y l o r ' s
in a fa c tor y w h o
standards are discharged,"
labor s u r p l u s
he explained,
s e l e c t e d men are g i v en work
p l a c e s . "101
T h i s n o t i o n w as born
the p a c k until
image of
"failed to r i s e to certain
of c a r e f u l l y
bu yer's mar ket for
in a period
"and a fresh supply
in their
in the a t m o s p h e r e of a
labor wh ich said,
y o u get what you want.
in effect,
T he pack
sift through
is always
t h e re o u t s i d e t h e f a c t o r y gate.
Given t he workers'
p r es e nt fear
of
this condition
T a y l o r i s m to
demand
“fi rst c l a s s
men."
and exerti on,
b e in g replaced,
high
even
enabled
levels of e x t r e m e e x e r t i o n from
Taylo r often
a d m it t ed t h e e x t r e m e pace
b u t t h e odds of s e c u r i n g a "fresh supply"
in h i s favor.
Tavlorism described
workers'
mental
as well
as
were
231
physical
at t ri b u t e s .
Their
in a bi l i t y to u n d e r s t a n d the
s c i e n t i f i c c o m p l e x i t i e s of the wor k p r o c e s s w i t h i n a modern
factory resulted
f r o m e it h e r a "lack of e d u c a t i o n "
" i n s uf f ic i en t me n ta l
or ignorant.
c a p a c i t y . "102
T h e y w e r e e i t h e r stupid
T h e d e g r e e t o which Taylor
t h i s is qu e st i o n a b l e ,
w ith many s k i l l e d
a c t u a l l y b e li e v e d
s i n c e he had p er sonal
and u n s k i l l e d
r e s p e c t e d the t e c h n o l o g i c a l
or an
workers,
acquaintance
and he cl e a r l y
e x p e r t i s e of the former.
But
such d i s t i n c t i o n s m a d e l e g i t i m a t e the e x p l o i t a t i v e n a t u r e of
labor u ti l iz a t i o n ,
B ra v e r m a n
worker
put
it,
p a r t i c u l a r l y of t h e u n s ki l le d .
"a be l i e f
is a n e c e c s s i t y for management",
have to admit
that
it
is e ngaged
of pri z in g and f o s t e r i n g
While d ep lor ing
p r o duction,
t he i r labor.
in a w h o l e s a l e
Ta yl o r ba s e d
on t h e " s ci e ntific"
i n cr e a s e d
u t i l i z a t i o n of
was
A pig
iron handler,
makeup
for
an o x ...." 104
"no r a r e s p ec i m e n
t h e r e f o r e was n e i t h e r r a r e nor
Ta y lo r
best fit t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s of
instance,
and p h l e g m a t i c t h a t he more n e a r l y
r e s e m b l e s in his mental
t y p e of the ox"
w o r k e r s who s e
s k i l l e d m e c h a n i c s to th e b est j ob s and
jobs.
"m u s t be so s t u p i d
e.ntsror i se
what he c o n s i d e r e d t h e mental
t h e y thought,
assigning
men to dull
c ontrary,
o t n s r w i s e it would
Scientific managers selected
a b il i ti e s,
t h e job,
dull
in part,
s t u p i d i t y of the
a t u p i d i t y ."103
i n c a p a c i t y of m a n y workers,
mental
in t h e original
As
expl ai n ed .
"A man of the
of h u m a n i t y , "
" highly p r i z e d . "
and
On the
"he w as a man so s t up i d that he was
u n f i t t e d t o do most kinds of l ab o r i n g work...,
so s t u p i d that t he word ' percentage' has no
m e a n i n g to him, and he must c o n s e q u e n t l y be
t r a i n e d b y a man m or e in t el l i g e n t than
h i m s e l f . . . . " "A man with o nl y t h e i n t el l ig e nc e
of an a v e r a g e laborer can be t a u g h t to
do the
most d i f f i c u l t and d el i c a t e w or k if it
is
r e p e a t e d e n o u g h times; and h i s lower mental
c a l i b e r r e n d e r s h i m more fit t h a n t h e mechanic
t o s t a n d t h e m o n o t o n y of r e p e t i t i o n . "105
W o r k e r s had moral
int e ll e ct u al
di f fe r e n c e s .
as well
as p hysical
To Taylor,
w o r k e r s by nature
a s cr i be d t o o r d i n a r y g o a l s of g e t ti n g ahead,
mo t i v a t e d p r i m a r i l y by money.
and would w or k hard
increase.
Howev er,
incre ase over
If
Most men a s p i r e d to b e t t e r m e n t
if assured a p e r m a n e n t
Tayl or cautioned
m a n y will
more or l e s s sh i ftless,
all
perhaps fundamentally,
e x tr a vagant
lazy,
external 1 y a p p l i e d control
annual
a g a ins t
any worke r
w age
much of an
amount
of pay.
and d i s s i p a t e d . "106
men w er e potentially,
and t h e r e f o r e required
and incentive.
Taylor often
who so w i s h e d c o ul d secu r e a job,
and that t h o s e w i t h o u t work were
irr e sp o ns i bl e .
liberal
vjork i r r e g u l a r l y and tend to b ecome
worke r s, even first c lass
insi s te d t ha t
and were
30 to 60 per cent of the usual
"overpaid,
Thus,
and
merely
lazy and
H e di s c o u n t e d e v i d e n c e w h ic h demonstrated
u n e m p l o y m e n t of o ne t o four m i l l i o n . 107
M o r a l l y s h o ck e d by men who f a i l e d to p e r f o r m at
their best,
ethic
moral,
T a y l o r used the moral
in d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g
and
lazy and t hu s
i m p l i c a t i o n s of the work
between h a r d w o r k i n g and t he r e f o r e
immoral w o r k e r s . 108
He often
e m p h a s i z e d t he v i r t u e s of first c la s s men w h o p o s s e s s e d
" c h aracter and spec ia l
p r a c i c a l l y all
the pace),
ab i l i t y of a high order";
s o b e r men
(a steady drinker c o ul d
t he y s a v e d m o n e y and,
lived better.
But t h e w or kman who produced
and that
To Taylor,
c lass workers'
The
l e s s than first
Otherwise
is c er t a i n l y not the c a s e . "109
t h e most telling d i s t i n c t i o n w a s first
w i l l i n g n e s s t o defer to employers'
"1 ay in t hei r
changed
e m p l o y e r s and t h ei r work,
soldiering
t hey
w h e t h e r they worked or w h e t h e r they
"most n o t a b l e d i f f é r e n c e "
workers
keep up
i mply t h a t all t h o s e in the world w e r e entitled
to live e q u a l l y well
w e r e idle,
not
as a con se q ue n ce ,
c l a s s men did not and ought not live as well.
"that w o u ld
t h ey were
between these and ordi nar y
mental
attit ude toward
and in the total
on t heir p a r t . "110
interests.
Furthermore,
thsir
a b s e n c e of
a subt le
d i s t i n c t i o n d i v i d e d even t h o s e willing to s e r v e employers:
Q u i t e a large prop o rt i on of y o u n g men
set out d e l i b e r a t e l y to do bare l y e n o u g h to
s a t i s f y t h ei r em p l o y e r - in fact, many of t hem
w o u ld feel h a p p y to do as little as t h e y can and
still s a t i s f y t heir employer. Another set of men
p r o p o s e to do just what their (sic) e m p l o y e r
wants. They, however, are at all times
e x c e e d i n g l y careful to guard their own r i g h t s
and not to g i v e a s i n gl e thing in the w a y of
s e r v i c e that t h e y are not paid for. A b o u t one
man, however, in t w e n t y takes the real, quick
road to success. He m a k e s up his mind
d e l i b e r a t e l y that in all c ases he will not only
g ive h i s e m p l o y e r all that he wants, b ut that he
will s u r p r i s e him with s omething u n e x p e c t e d ,
s om e t h i n g b e y o n d what his employer h a s any right
to ask or expect, and it is a s t o n is h in g h o w fast
t h is line of ac tion leads to succ e ss . il l
234
Th e p r e f a c e to the first F r e n c h e d i t i o n of
E c i D G l B l g s of S c i e n t i f i c M a n a ge m en t r e f l e c t e d
the general
o p i n i o n of the d a y on th e wo r ki n g c l a s s p e r c e p t i o n of its
own
interests.
real
" Th e ig n or a nc e of man on th e s ub j e c t of his
i n t e r e s t s is pr od i gi o us , "
the p r e f a c e maintained.
"E s p e c i a l l y is t h i s t r u e in the case of th e w or k i n g man,"
largely because
"they do not as yet h a v e t he s m allest
k n o w l e d g e of t h e ec o no m i c s c i e n c e s . "112
Taylor,
d e f e r r e d to workers'
a s s e s s m e n t of t h e i r
immediate,
and c l a s s interests,
b ut de s pa i re d of t h e i r f a i l u r e to
understand
"the b ro a d
p r i n c i p l e s which
i n t e r e s t s . "113
And a poor p e r c e pti on
by tha t wor kin g
cla ss bane,
affect
of
as noted,
personal
their best
interests,
clouded
i m m e di ate g r a t i f i c a t i o n ,
i n e v i t a b l y lad t o f a l s e a s s um pti ons on the part of w orkers
such as r e s t r i c t i o n
of output,
a n t a g o n i s m t o w a r d capital,
and t he ch o ic e of the wrong m et h o d s for redress,
such as
unions.
F a l s e a s s u m p t i o n s led w o r k e r s t o
and even
"feel
them."
a la rg e p r o f i t to their e mp l o y e r s , "
th a t all
114
knowledge,
m ot i ve s "
whose
t h e f r u i t s of their
Since
to
limited p e r c e p t i o n s p r e c l u d e d c o rrect
than f r o m being
e c o n o m y . "115
wa s t o
l es s f r o m "wrong
"ignorant of t h e u n d e r l y i n g truths
This pl a ce d t h e b u r d e n not on the
but on the m i d d l e class,
"duty"
and worse,
labor s h ou l d belong to
f a l s e a s s u m p t i o n s de r iv e d
of p ol itical
ignorant,
"be g ru d ge a fair
the
" l i t e r ar y class,"
"see that the c o m m u n i t y
is p r o p e r l y
educated."116
T a y l o r ’s n o t o r i o u s h o s t i l i t y toward th e
t ra d e u n i o n s w a s formed
of
in th e c ontext of e x t r a c t i n g the
m a x i m u m e f fo r t fro m each worker.
center
"dangers"
S i n c e u n i o n s w e r e at the
of m a in t a i n i n g c l a s s s o l i d a r i t y in t h e s k i l l e d
trades,
"one of the m o s t . . . di f f i c u l t p r ob l e m s w i t h t h e art
of m a n a g e m e n t ," he lamented,
t o do a full
do i t . "117
phrases",
d a y ’s wo r k
Citing their
"is ho w to p e r s u a d e u n i o n men
if t h e un i on does n o t w i s h
" s e r i o u s delusions"
and
t h e m to
"cant
he c a s t i g a t e d u n i o n s for f ormally e n f o r c i n g
s t a n d a r d da y w a g e s and p i e c e r a t e s and for e n c o u r a g i n g
worl:ers i n f o rm all v to m a i n c a i n
All
th e s e p r a c t i c e s he lum ped
Craft union rule s li mit ing
made w o r k e r s
craft tra d i t i o n s
under
the label
th e amount of work,
"1a z y , d e m o r a l i z e d
and rules.
" s o ldi eri ng. "
t o Taylor,
and u n c o m p e t i t i v e . “ 118
e x i s t e n c e of em p lo y e r r e c o g n i z e d uni o ns and t h e i r
upon t h e use of official
individual
management.
r epr ese ntatives preclu ded
The
insistence
the
t r e a t m en t of w o r k e r s so ne c es s ar y in s c i e n t i f i c
" T h e r e f o r e , " T a y l o r cautioned.
all p r e c a u t i o n s sh o ul d be ta ke n w h i c h
p re v e n t the f o r m a t i o n of a union. Wo rkmen
s h o u l d ... never b e a d d r e s s e d co llectively, e i t h e r
in a m e et i n g or t h r o u g h pr i nt e d notices, b e c a u s e
if th ey are talked to in a body, or t h r o u g h
n o t i c e s and c i r c u l a r s t he logical a nswer is for
t h e m to ap p oi n t a c o m m i t t e e or a s p o k e s m a n to
r e p r e s e n t them, and t h i s is the s ta rting p o i n t
for a c o m b i n a t i o n or u n i o n . 119
S c i en t if i c m a n a g e m e n t
br o ke union e n f o r c e m e n t
with
236
individualism.
a "moral
T h e offer of individual
sua sio n on t h e wo rk m a n which
the differe nti al
bo nus i n c e n t i v e s had
is p o w e r ful ,"
p i e c e rat e d r o v e a we d g e b e t w e e n union
m e m b e r s adv o c a t i n g a u n i f o r m dail y rat e for all
those a spi r i n g to individual
workers,
That M i d v a l e Steel
the d e c a d e after
1881,
r e c o g n i z i n g that the
and
a d v a n c e m e n t . It w a s not in the
in t e r e s t s of h i g h l y paid men to join a union with
m e n . "120
and t hus
esca ped the steel
"cheap
s t r i k e s of
he a t t r i b u t e d to all t h e
"best men"
"s uccess of a labor o r g a n i z a t i o n meant
the lowering of their w a g e s in order that the in fer ior men
might earn more;
jo i n . "121
man"
Again,
and of course,
could not be p e r s u a d e d to
he drew the dis t i n c t i o n between the
who correct 1v identified
in t e r est s in th e name of group
union
"best
s u b v ersion of their real
solidarity,
and the
"inferior
m e n " w h o joined unions.
T a y l o r ’s vi ew of un i o n s was a l s o fo r m e d
context
of a c h i ev ing s ci e n t i f i c control
production,
control
over all
e s p e c i a l l y the human element.
su b v ert ed t his control
on v a r i o u s levels.
and p r e d i c t a b i l i t y
in the
To him,
The
e l e m e n t s of
un i o n s
quest for
in p r o d u c t i o n e f f e c t i v e l y
el i m i n a t e d the d e s i r a b i l i t y of ba r g a i n i n g over any of its
elements.
In t h i s light,
he saw u n i o n s as a s e p a r a t e power
bloc with in the f a c t o r y which pu r p o s e l y u n d e r m i n e d the
p r o c e s s of r a t i o n a l i z i n g
the natural
industry,
and in so d o i n g vi olated
laws g o v e r nin g the work p r o c e s s . 122
unio ns c o n s t i t u t e d d i s r u p t i v e forces;
Ultimately,
their f o r m a t i o n
"is
237
almo st
i n v a r i b l y f o l l o w e d by s t r i k e s and almo st open war
b e t w e e n t he m a n a g e m e n t
and the m e n . "123
A s i d e f r o m their
production,
boycott,
u n i o n s e x e r t e d baneful
damnable;
social
"The
and the
of n o n - u n i o n w o rkm en by la bor u n i o n s are
not be t o l e r a t e d by t he A m e r i c a n p e o p l e . "124
r e s t r i c t i o n of output w as
t he poor of t he f r u i t s of industrial
special
ire for
give men a good r e t u r n
g r i e v a n c e s w het her
Gompers,
e m p l o y e r s new w a y s of
rev olution,
Opportun i sm
i g n o r a n c e . . .misdirected
scientific
m a n a g e m e n t creat ed for
lookin g at labor u tilization.
it a c h iev ed
a d e s pot ic
docility,
It e s t a b l i s h e d t he social
s o c i e t y at large,
"scaring up
"wrong d o c t r i n e s . "127
a r ou nd discipline,
sc i e n t i f i c m a n age ria l
class,
T aylor
"blatant demagogue"
leaders such as the
In c onc lusion,
th e work ethic.
exist or n o t . "126
t e a c h i n g them
of work o r i e n t e d
p r o d u c t i o n . "125
le a d e r s who a g i tat e only to
w h i l e o t h e r s "out of
their followers,
manag eri al
labor
In
"de li b e r a t e r o bbe ry of
on their u nion dues,
they
m ot i v a t e d some union
Samuel
influences.
t h e s e a c t s of t y r a n n y a r e t h o r o u g h l y un -Am e r i c a n
t his vein,
r es e r v e d
in the p r o c e s s of
t he u se of f o r c e or intimidat ion ,
oppression
and will
intervention
As a
o r g a niz ati on
o b e d i e n c e and
l e g iti mac y of the
on the s h op floor and in
a c l a s s which ev o l v e d
into a full
scale
t e c h n o c r a t i c b u r e a u c r a c y which r e g a r d e d hu man w o rk ers in the
same t e r m s that t hey used
o r g a n i z a t i o n of work.
in d i s c u s s i n g
the material
W o r k e r s w er e seen simply as a s ou rce
238
of work u n a t t a i n a b l e by machines,
and t h e scientif ic
managers'
aim w a s to make the m o s t e f f i c i e n t u s e of them.
The model
of t h e sci ent ifi c t r e a t m e n t
mo tio n study,
an e ff i c i e n c y cult
of w ork e r s is t i m e and
in T a y l o r ' s d a y and the
no rm of ours.
As an ide ol o g y based on tech nol ogy ,
pr omo t e d
the u n i t y of
int ere sts of capital
o b s c u r i n g the cl a s s bias inhe ren t
c a p i t a l i s t - o w n e d production.
thos e of
employers,
and
i n s t r u c t e d the worker
and
industrial
likewise,
its solutions.
it redefined
the role of
to o n e another,
to
to society.
or gan ize d
lab or' s c o m m i t m e n t t o c o l l e c t i v e
T a y l o r i s m urged t h e i ndi vidual
the victims,
As it
in the r a t i o n a l i t y of i ndu s t r y and in
production,
bargaining,
labor w h i l e
in t h e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of
e m o 1 e y e s , their r e l a t i o n s h i p
Agai nst
and
The p r o b l e m s it i d e n tif ied were
the a u t h o r i t y of that rationality',
emplo y e r
T a y lor ism
contract.
Bla min g
it abs olv ed r a t i o n a l i z e d m o n o p o l y capital.
Id ent ifying w o r k e r s as o b s t a c l e s to p r o d u c t i o n and progress,
it d i s c r e d i t e d
itself.
human
craft union p r a c t i c e s and the labor m o v e m e n t
P r e s e n t i n g a m e c h a n i s m for e l i m i n a t i n g
traits,
undesirable
it req uir ed o b e d i e n c e and e f f i c ien cy wh ich
pr omo t e d
r a t i o n a l i z e d social
factory.
And,
finally,
p r e v i o u s l y held
behavior
In and o u t s i d e the
T a y l o r i s m r e s h a p e d and r e o r i e n t e d
va lue s and assumpti ons .
It is not the p urp ose of t h i s es say to adv a n c e a
th e o r y of tech nol ogi cal
determinism.
Behavior
of o w n e r s and
239
work ers was and
well
is c o n d i tio ned
as t e c h n olo gic al
purp ose
is,
rather,
by c u l t u r e and hist ory as
de ma n d s in the in dustrial
context.
to isolate those t e c hn olo gic al
in s c i e nt ifi c m a n a g e m e n t
and show how t hat
c a p i t a l ' s n o t i o n s of what m a t e r i a l , social
factors
influenced/guided
and ideological
chan g e s s hould and co uld be a chieved by its application.
the de g r e e to wh i c h
Its
And
it informed the d o m i n a n t ideological
u n i v e r s e i n d i c a t e s the de gre e to which e f f i c i e n c y s t a n d a r d s
perv a d e d the general
consciousness.
culture,
and in par tic ula r,
Th e i m p ort anc e of this lies
labor
in the c e n t r a l i t y
of the va l u e s y s t e m whic h con tin ues to be the ethos of
modern
industri al
organisation.
240
ENDNOTES:
1
CH APT ER VI
F r e d e r i c k Taylor,
The P rin c i p l e s o-f Scienti-fic
!ÜâQüg§Œ!§DÈ , 1911, rep ri n t e d in F r e d e r i c k
Taylor, S c i e n t i f i c Manag eme nt
(New York:
Ha r p e r and Brothers, 1947; this c o l l e c t i o n
also i n c l u d e s Shop M ana gem ent , 1903, and
T e s t i m o n y B e f o r e the Sgeci_al H o u s e C o m m i t t e e
i n v e s t i g a t i n g Taylor and Other S y s t e m s of
M a n a g e m e n t , 1912: -first quotation.
Sh o p M a n a g e m e n t , p. 143; second.
P r i n c i p l e s , p. 142.
2 Frank Copley, F r e d e r i c k W i Q s i g w l a y i g r l Fat her of
Scientific Management
(New York: Harpe r
and Row, 1923), vol. 1, o . 31
3
David M o ntgomery, NgCkersf Contre^ in A m e r i ç a f
S t u d i e s i n the History of Work™ Technolccv.
and L a b o r S t r ugg fes
(Cambridge; C a m b r i d g e
U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1979), p. 3; on the
f o r m a t i o n of modern mean s of labor control
in E n g l a n d du rin g the industrial r e v o l u t i o n
see S i d n e y Pollard, G e n e s i s of Modern
Management
(Cambridge: Ha rva rd U n i v e r s i t y
Press, 1965), chapter " Adaptation of th e
Lab or F o r c e " , pp. 160-208.
4
Ibid ., p.
26.
5
Ibid ., p.
102.
6
ibid ., pp.
7
See Henri Le Chatelier, "Preface to t h e F r e n c h Edition'
of
P r i n c i p l e s of S c i e n t i f i c M a n a g e m e n t
(no date)
in C l a r e n c e B. Th ompson
Scientific Managementi
A C o l l e c t i o n of the More S i g n i f i c a n t A r t i c l e s
D e s c r i b i n g the Taylor S y s t e m of M a n a g e m e n t
(Cambridge: H arv ard U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1914),
pp. 842-859 , for a discu ssi on of how T a y l o r ' s
p r i n c i p l e s r ef lec ted natural law and wer e
g r o u n d e d in the economi c d e t e r m i n i s m of th e day.
44,
116.
241
8
U.S.
9
Taylor,
10
Congress, H o u s e of R epr esentatives, H e a r i n g s B e f ore
the Sgegial C o m m i t t e e of the H o u s e of R e g r e s e n t a t i y e s
to I n v e s t i g a t e the laylgr and Other S y s t e m s of S hgg
Ma na g e m e n t
Three Volumes
(U.S. G o v e r n m e n t
P r in tin g Offi ce, 1912), p. 212.
Pringigles
, p. 7.
Samuel Haber, E f f i c i e n c y and U g i ift i S c i e n t i f i c
M an a g e m e n t in t he P r o g r e s s i v e E r a 1 0 9 0 - 1 9 2 0
(Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of C h ica go Press, 1964),
p.
11
11
H o l l i s Godfrey, "The At t i t u d e of La bor T o w a r d S c i e n t i f i c
Management"
A n n a l s of the A m eri can A c a d e m v of
Egl iti cal and Social Scie nce
vol. 44 (July 1912),
p. 71.
12
H a r r y Br averman, L a bo r and M g ng ggl y C a g i t a l i The
D e g r a d a t i o n of Work in the Twen tie th C e n t u r y
(New York: M o n t h l y R e v i e w Press, 1974), p. 86;
Judit h Merkle, M a n a g e m e n t and Ideo log yi T h e
Legacy of t h e International S cie n t i f i c M a n a g e m e n t
Mo v e m e n t
(Berkeley: U n i ver sit y of C a l i f o r n i a Press,
1 9 8 0 ) , "pp. 14-15.
13
H a r l o w Person in t h e f o rward to the 1947 e d ition of
T a y l o r ' s m a j o r w ork s continued to p r o m o t e t he
social b e n e f i t s of s cientific m a n a g e m e n t : "The
very survi val of d e m oc rat ic i n s t i t u t i o n s may
depend on a l i f t i n g of pro du c t i v i t y t o n e w d e g r e e s
of a d e q u a c y w h i c h will rapid ly e l i m i n a t e starvation,
es t a b l i s h a f e e l i n g of greater econ omi c securi ty,
and d e s t r o y i m p u l s e s to foll ow fa lse l e a d e r s a long
the p a t h s of v i o l e n c e toward a t o t a l i t a r i a n w o r l d . "
Taylor, S c i e n t i f i c Manag eme nt , p. x v i ; f o r a
general d i s c u s s i o n of the social and i n s t i t u t i o n a l
c o n s e q u e n c e s of tec hno logical change, s e e J ohn
Rae "The A p p l i c a t i o n of S c ien ce to Indu str y" in
Qleson and Voss, O rga ni z a t i o n of K n o w l e d g e ,
pp. 249-263. T h i s e s s a y also r e c o u n t s t h e g r o w t h
of the e n g i n e e r i n g profes sio n from 7 ,30 0 in 1870
to 136,000 in 1920.
14
Haber,
15
Ibid
16
Taylor,
17
Ibid
., p.
17.
18
Ibid
., p.
22.
E f f i c i e n c y and U p l i f t
., p.
25.
Principles
, p.
14.
, p.
.
PriQcigles
, p. 22.
19
Taylor,
20
Ibid
.
21
ibid
., p. 23.
22
Ibid
., p.
23
At M i d v a l e Steel, T aylor e s t i m a t e d
m a n a g e m e n t "had about equal w ei g h t in deci din g
ho w fast the work should be d o n e . " Taylor,
Sh oe M a n a g e m e n t , p. 44.
24
T a y l o r , EclDGlQlgs
25
Ibid
., p.
26
Ibid
.
27
Ibid
., p.
28
Taylor,
29
4-45; sea also
T a y l o r , Shog M a n a g e m e n t , pp
Management,
Dan:i si Naison, "Sci sntif
Sy s t e m a t i c M a n a ge men t and Labor, 1880-1915"
B u s i n e s s H i s t o r y Royiaw , 43 (1974), pp.
479-500.
30
Taylor,
31
D a v i d M o n t g o m e r y found that by 1918, s p e c ia liz ed
m a c h i n e t e n d e r s and not c r a f t s m e n formed the
largest group of wo rk e r s in metal indu str ies
such as auto, electrical, m a c h i n e tool and
farm equipment. M on t g o m e r y
QQQÈCSL
p. 117.
24.
, p_ 22.
32.
53.
lestimgny
, p.
Shg g Ma n a g e m e n t
S hgg M a n a g e m e n t
176.
., pp.
?
32
Taylor,
33
Al tho u g h the dif fer ent ial p i e c e r a t e system of wage
paym ent d isappeared, in c e n t i v e pay, ti me study,
and s u b d i v i d e d and d i f f e r e n t i a t e d task d e s c r i p t i o n s
pers ist in U.S. industry. Individual in c e n t i v e
r e m a i n s geared to pay, itself d e t e rmi ned by the
skill c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of each job. See Daniel Nel son
E c g d er ick
laylgr and t h e R i s e of S c i e n t i f i c
Management
(Madison: The U n i v e r s i t y of W i s c on sin
Press',' Ï980), p. 141, 200.
34
Taylor,
Testimony
, p.
, p.
85-86.
165.
106.
35
Taylor , Shgg M a n a g e m e n t
36
Ibid
., p. 76.
37
Ibid
.
33
Taylor , T e s t i m o n y
39
Ibid
40
Taylor , l e s t i m g n y
41
Ibid
, p. 84.
42
Ibid
. , p. 85.
43
Taylor ,
44
The p r o l i f e r a t i o n of fu nctional i
a new ind ustrial b u r e a u c r a c y
s o c i o l o g i s t s a technocra cy. 1
of T a y l o r ' s s y s t e m as a bure<
see Dan Cl a w s o n
Bureaucracy
Process: The T r a n s f o r m a t i o n i
I g gOzleZO
Chapter 6 .
45
T a y 1 or , Sbgg u a n a g e m e n t
, p.
46
T a y l or , P c i n c i Q l e s
37.
47
Ibid
. , p. 38.
48
Ibid
, p. 36.
49
Taylor ,
50
Ibid
. , p.
51
Ibid
.
52
Ibid
. , p. 99.
, p.
, p. 20.
SO.
. , p. 83.
, pp.
Pringigles
83-84.
, p. 36.
, p.
Shgg M a n a g e m e n t
, p.
99.
18
122.
Alvin G o u l d n e r , Jhe D i a l e c t i c of Ide o l o g y and
I g c h n g l g g y l T he O r i g i n s ^ g r a mma r and F ut ure
of I d e o l o g y
(New York: T he S e a b u r y Pass,
1976), and Karl Marx, Cagital
t h r e e vols.,
(Chicago, 1906), 1:396-397, c ited in
Montgomery, W o r k e r s ^ Control , p. 34.
244
54
Taylor, S h g g M a n a g e m e n t , p. 133; for an o u t l i n e
of the d e b a t e among s o c i o l o g i s t s over t he
extent to w hi ch t e c h n o l o g y d e t e r m i n e s sh op - f l o o r
at t i t u d e s and behavior, see F r a n k Berkhofer,
"R ela t i o n s h i p B etween T e c h n o l o g y and S h o p - f l o o r
Behav iou r" in J . N. Wolf and D. D. Edge, e d s . ,
Me a n i n g and Q g n t r g l l E s s a y s in t he Social A s p e c t s
of S c i e n c e and T e c h n o l o g y
(London: T a v ist ock
Pub lic ati ons , 1973); for other s t u d i e s of the
the r o l e of i d eol ogy in e n g i n e e r i n g see David
Noble,
A m e r i c a by D e sig n , and W i l l i a m Akin
I @ S b D 9 G C # 5 Y and t he A m er ica n D r e a m
(Berkeley:
U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1977); Michael
Burawoy, M a n u f a c t u r i n g Cons ent
(Chicago:
U n i v e r s i t y of C h i c a g o Press, 1979), and Richar d
Pffeffer, W o r k i n g for Ç a g i t a ü s m
(New York:
C o l u m b i a U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1979).
55
Taylor, P r i n g i g l es , p. 10; for a p r o g r e s s i v e
s c i e n t i f i c m a n a g e m e n t appro ach w h ich c o n s i d e r s
w o r k e r s ’ h a b i t s and n e e d s see R i c h a r d Hartness,
The H u man F a c t o r in W ork s M a n a o e m e n t
(New York:
McGraw-Hill, 1912).
56
Ibid
57
Taylor,
Fringiglas
58
Taylor,
lestimgny
59
Copley,
F r e d e r i c k l a ylg r
60
Taylor, "Workmen and Their M a n a g e m e n t " , u n p u b l i s h e d
m a n u s c r i p t of a l e ctu re given in 1909 at the
H a rv ard G r a d u a t e School of B u s i n e s s A d m i n i s t r a t i o n
(after 1922, Ha r v a r d B u s i n e s s School), Carl B art h
papers, Ms. Division, Ba ker Library, H a rv ard
Bu s i n e s s School.
61
Copley,
62
Braverman, L a bo r , pp. 86, 97: t he p r e v a i l i n g b u s i n e s s
ethos ad m i t t e d that w age t h e o r y r e s t e d upon
subsist enc e, s e e S c i e n c e and J he P r a c t i c e gf
Mana g e m e n t
(New York: E n g i n e e r i n g Magazine,
1914), Chapter, "The L abo r Que stion", p. 397;
see a l so H e n r y Gantt, Wgrkj_ W a g e s and P rof its
(New York: The E n g i n e e r i n g Magazine, 1919).
p. 52;
Labor , p.
Shoo
99.
Frederick
Manaaament
, p.
137;
B r a v e r m a n ,,
, p. 52.
, p. 36;
T ayigr
Principles
, p.
32.
, 2:404.
, 2:404.
24:
63
Quoted in H ugh Atiken, T a y l o r i s m at W a t e r t o w n A r s e n a l 1
S c i e n t i f i c M a n a g eme nt in Act ion 19 08- 191 5
(Cambridge: Ha rva rd U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1960), p. 77.
64
Taylor,
65
Tayl o r , Eciacigles
66
Ibid
p.
67
Taylor,
lestimgny
68
Taylor,
"Workmen and Their M a n a g e m e n t " , p.
69
Taylor,
EciQcieles
70
Mi 1 ton N a d w o r n y , Sci ent ifi c Ma n a g e m e n t and the
Un io n s ^ 1 9 0 0 - 1 9 3 2
(Cambridge: Har var d
U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1955), p. 94.
71
T a y l o r , Shgg M a n a g e m e n t
72
Ai t k e n . T a y l o r i s m at Watertown
lestimgny
, p.
76.
, p. 39.
45.
45.
, p. 83;
, p.
25.
T a y l o r ' s italics.
109.
, p.
120.
73
an,
74
T a y l o r 's italics.
75
Tayl o r , EciQciBles
76
Taylor,
"Workmen and Their Management",
77
Ibid .,
pp.
78
Tayl o r , Ecincigles
79
Ibid
., p. 97.
80
Ibid
.
81
T a y l o r , "Workmen and Their M a n a g e m e n t ", p.
82
Ibid
.
83
Ibid
., pp.
84
Taylor,
F'CiaciQles
85
Ibid
p. 25.
86
Taylor, lestimgny
.,
Labor
, p.
, p , 73.
, p. 63.
p.
5.
6-7.
, pp.
25-26.
15-13.
, p. 38.
, p.
96.
14.
246
87
Taylor,
Shop Manag eme nt
, p.
189.
88
T a y l o r , Shgg Manag eme nt
, p.
190.
89
Ibid
90
Ibid
p. 24.
91
Taylor,
ECiaciBles
92
Taylor,
S hg g Mana gem ent
93
Ibid
94
Taylor,
Principles
95
Taylor,
lestimany
96
Taylor,
Shop M anagement
97
T a y l o r , lestimony
98
Ibid
. . p . 176.
99
ibid
.,
.
., pp.
p.
, pp.
5 5 — 56.
, pp.
54-55,
64
54-55.
61.
, p.
, p. 64.
, p.
, p.
64.
1
174.
. , p. 75.
100
ibid
101
Taylo r , P r i n c i p l e s
102
Ibid
103
B r ave r man,
104
Taylo r
105
Taylo r , Shop Ma nagement
PP- 59, 62.
, p.
28;
106
T a ylo r , Shop Ma nagement
, p.
27.
107
U,.S. C o n g r e s s Hearings, vol. 3, p. 145'
in Nadworny, S cientific M a n a g e m e n t
, p.
23.
. , p. 25.
L abor
, p.
Principles
108.
, p.
59.
108
C o p l e y - F r e de ric k Taylg r . 1:207.
109
Ta ylor . I g s t i m g n y , p.
110
Ta ylor , Shop Ma nagement
111
Ibi.d . , p.
56.
Princ:
168.
, pp.
55-57.
165 .
247
112
Thompson,
Scientific Management
113
Taylor, S hg g M a n a g e m e n t
114
Taylor, P r i n g i g l e s
115
Taylor, T e s t i m o n y
116
Ibid
117
Taylor, S hg g M a n a g e m e n t
118
Ibid
119
Taylor, "Work men and T h e i r M a n a g e m e n t ",
120
Taylor, S h g g M a n a g e m e n t , p. 183; for a
d i s c u s s i o n of the r e s p o n s e of union leaders
to s c i e n t i f i c m a n a g e m e n t see Robert Hoxie,
S c i e n t i f i c M a n a g e m e n t and Labor
(New York:
Appleton, Century, Crofts, 1915), p. 120.
121
Ibid
122
Nadworny,
123
Taylor, "Workmen
124
Taylor, S hgg M a n a g e m e n t
125
Taylor, T e s t i m o n y
, p.
, pp.
, p.
,p.
847.
187.
10-11.
11.
., p . 10.
., p.
, p.
191.
189.
p. 24.
.
Scientific Management
,p.
49.
and T heir M a n a g e m e n t ",
, p.
126
Taylor,
127
Taylor, T e s t i m o n y , p.
M a n a g e m e n t , p. 43.
, p.
p.
24.
191.
21.
Shgg M a n a g e m e n t
, p.
21;
188.
Nadworny,
Sc ie n t i f i c
248
CH A P T E R VII
CONCLUSION
This s t udy h as f o cus ed on one aspect of t h e r i se of
m o n o p o l y c o r p o r a t e capi tal ism ,
employers.
In t h e critical
t he labor i d e o l o g y of
y e ars betw een
p r o m i n e n t c a p i t a l i s t e l i t e exe r c i s e d
material
and
ide o l o g i c a l
The d e v e l o p m e n t
and f o r c e f u l l y p r o m o t e d
tool
for
labor
control
t h is work
and social
the U.S.
r o le of
a
i n c r e a s i n g l y g r eat er
labor
t h ou ght w as c o n s c i o u s l y
of a s k i l l f u l l y a r t i c u l a t e d
i d e olo gv p r o vid ed
and thua formed
the ma t u r i n g p r o c e s s of capitalism.
studies,
1910,
p ower over t h e r e m a i n d e r of s o cie ty
in a pe riod when A m e r i c a n social
refor mul ate d.
1880 and
demonstrated
an
an integral
important
part of
Through t h r e e case
the hi storical
de vel o p m e n t
i d e o l o g y as a m e c h a n i s m of c l a s s r ule in
It e x a m i n e d t he c la ss b ias in the l e g i t i m a t i n g
rh e t o r i c of c a p i t a l i s t e l i t e s and the me ans by w h i c h that
bias w as p r e s s e d upon t he l a bo rin g p o pul ati on
and the larger
society.
This study asked the q u est ion of h ow c e r t a i n
b ec ome a c ce pte d
as g i ven
in a society.
It answer ed
ideas
by using
he g emo nic t h e o r y and t h e s o c i o l o g y of kno w l e d g e to s h ow that
the social
Social
b a s i s of
a u t h o r i t y and
pos i t i o n to a c h i e v e
k no w l e d g e r e f l e c t s social
hierarchies.
l e g i t i m a c y plac ed do m i n a n t e l i t e s in a
a near
ideological
monopoly.
For these
249
reasons,
social
em p l o y e r
body of
labor
i d eol ogy formed a great part of the
kn o w l e d g e w hich s e r ved as an o b je cti ve
de sc r i p t i o n of t h e i nst i t u t i o n of
labor.
k n owl edg e pr o v i d e d t he vocabulary,
and determined,
at least
in part,
This body of
c i r c u m s c r i b e d the d eb ate
t he c o n s c i o u s n e s s of all
m e m b e r s of society.
B e twe en
1380 and
1910,
owners increasingly
co n t r o l l e d a g r eat a m ou nt of the m a c h i n e r y of
i n f o rma tio n in
this peri od and u t i l i z e d v a r i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s as
t r a n s m i t t e r s and
churches,
1900,.
the m a s s media,
the t r a d e unions.
injected their
their
l e g i t i m a t o r s of their beliefs:
leaders
labor
political
parties,
and,
Into these institutions,
ideology,
and as t hos e
their m e m b e r s t o wa rd a c c e p t a n c e of c a p i t a l i s t
t h r ee case studies,
after
o w n ers
i .nst i tut i ans and
inf l u e n c e d beha vio r and thought,
In all
schools,
capitalist
they moved
ideas.
ideology
d e vel ope d and w as p r o s l e t y z e d under the p r e ssu re of labor 's
ideological
cha llenge.
class conflict,
and
labor
During a time of h i g h l y polar ize d
the d e b a t e over r e l a t i o n s betwee n capital
and t he n at ure of t he e c o nom ic s y st em o cc u p i e d
cente r of the social
stage.
The s t res s of
and c h a l l e n g e s f o rce d capital
critical
a radical
or s u b v e r s i v e of
new m a n a g e m e n t
to c o nfr ont
capitalism,
system,
labor d i s r u p t i o n s
labor i d e olo gie s
to p rom ote and j u st ify
and to c onfront
a material
c ha l l e n g e by a s tr ong union.
Thus e m p l o y e r s
a r gum ent s to t h o s e of
the open a g ain st the clos ed
labor,
the
geared their
250
shop,
social
agains t
s e r v i c e against
so ldiering,
social
disruption,
hard work
s c i e n t i f i c m a nag eme nt a g ai nst low
p r o d u c t i v i t y , o rd er a ga ins t chaos.
On a larger scale,
b u s i n e s s labor
i d e o l o g y a r ose f r o m social
wh ich r e q u i r e d
e l i t e s to j u s t i f y econ omi c re a l i t y in t e rm s
of c l a s s or national
ideals.
R e s p o n d i n g to t hes e pressures,
National
Association
contradictions
of Manufact ure rs.
the i deo l o g u e s of the
S c ie nti fic
M a n a g e m e n t , t h e P u l l m a n C o m p a n y and the r a i l r o a d s fo r m u l a t e d
a b o dy of p r o p a g a n d a which serve d
their actions.
as a r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n
for
T he r h e t o r i c of capi tal ist e l i t e s f u r n ish ed
the m e a ns to i d e o l o g i c a l l y bind worker s to the new
industrial
sy s t e m bv legit i m a t i n g
realities:
t he d i s t r i b u t i o n
own e r s h i p
and
control.
a c c o m p l i s h e d , in part,
logical,
of wealth,
labor util iza tio n,
m e t h o d s of social
valid,
natural
e:: i sting soci ceconomi c
p a tt ern s of p r ope rty
and s tate and p r iva te
T hi s legitimation w as
by p o r t r a y i n g t he pe v a i l i n g s y s t e m as
and reasonable.
El ite ideo log y
sought to s t a b i l i z e and ma i n t a i n t h e industrial
through
the c r e a t i o n
and t h r o u g h
owner
th e s u b o r d i n a t i o n
controlled
of w o r k e r s to a rationalized,
d i re cte d their
t h e wo r k i n g
dear.
ideas towa rd two s p ec ifi c
class and t he public.
id e o l o g y p o r t r a y e d capital
the s o c i e t y held
labor force,
labor process.
Businessmen
a ud iences;
of a d o c i l e and dili gen t
order
T hei r labor
as the very e m b o dim ent of v a lue s
It p i t t e d c l a ss neutral
e n t i t i e s such
251
as "public opinion"
being and survival
social
w h i ch
whole,
In t h i s vein,
implied the well
again st
l a b o r ’s
it u t il ize d a s e l e c t i v e
t r a d i t i o n to rest t h e p o w e r of e m p l o y e r s on the
s u ppo sed u n iv ers al
"nation"
and social
took
“so c i e t y , "
of t h e social
s u b v er siv ene ss.
hi storical
the
or
moral
v a l u e s and h istorical
a g a i n s t t he u n p a t r i o t i c
n e e d s of th e w o r k i n g
liberal
e x p e r i e n c e of
hi storical
class.
E m plo yer
r e p u b l i c a n n o t i o n s such as freedom,
o p p o r t u n i t y and
individual
own c l a s s arguments,
rights,
experience
ideology
equal
and made t h e m into their
t e n e t s of t h e cap i t a l i s t market.
At the same t i m e it w a s d i r e c t e d at c o n v i n c i n g the
public of
the inhere nt w r o n g n e s s of w o r k e r s ’ i deas and
activities.
It salac ted d e f i n i t i o n s of
d e s c r i p t i o n s of
or n i h i l a t e d
labor a c t i v i t i e s and g oals w hich d i s c r e d i t e d
that
institution.
who w e r e vi llifisd,
traditions,
E x c e p t for c e r t a i n
labor a p p e a r e d
faceless generalizacion
and p r ej udi ces .
labor and
le a d e r s
in o w n e r s ’ r h e t o r i c as a
which r e f l e c t e d
owners’ stereotypes
This g e n e r a l i z a t i o n r el ied upon the
c o n v e n t i o n s and a g r e e d - u p o n codes of
u n d e r s t a n d i n g among e m p l o y e r s r a t h e r than on direc t
observation
of the w o rki ng class.
E m p l o y e r s ’ labor
id e o l o g y
r e ad ied t he p u b l i c c o n s c i o u s n e s s for n ew w ays of t h i n k i n g
a bout the r e l a t i o n s h i p of c apital
disru pt
l a b o r ’s activities,
r e ali gn
its a llegiances.
and
discredit
labor.
It a t t e m p t e d to
its l e a d e r s and
Th r o u g h the e x e r c i s e of h e g e m o n y in t he p e r i o d
252
1880-1910,
debate,
businessmen
co nfi n i n g
so ugh t to p r e s c r i b e the lim i t s of the
it to f i n e tun i n g or adj us t i n g th e
existing system,
but d i s c r e d i t i n g or e l i m i n a t i n g
criticism.
i d e o l o g y a t t e m p t e d to pre v e n t
Their
e x am ina tio n of
its own
its
any
id eas or of the material
re l a t i o n s h i p s upon whi ch t h e y rested.
E l i t e i d e o l o g y sought
to pr event t h e w o r k i n g c l a s s f r o m g e n e r a t i n g c o m p e t i n g
or p o p u l a r i s i n g an a l t e r n a t i v e e c o n o m i c system.
ideolog y soug ht to avoi d the real
mi litant
labor
i d e o l o g y offered,
sta tus quo in which
remain der worked
a small
for them.
r e d i s t r i b u t e direet
co nfl ict of
ideas
Employer
i n t e r e s t s that
and preserve,
instead,
a
gro up owned and most of the
It sought to d i f f u s e or
conflict
between
capital
and
labor or
be tween w o r k e r s and m a n a g e r s by o b scu rin g the e l e m e n t s of
the debate.
Thus e m p l o y e r p r o p a g a n d a d i s g u i s e d
incre asi ng s u b o r d i n a t i o n
controlled,
of w o r k e r s to an e m p l o y e r
despotically organized
rhetorical
cloak
interests.
W he r e the avowed
ideology as se r t e d
i nd ivi dua ls rat h e r
e f f e c t s of the marke t
t h e na ked pow er
of the market.
work ed to
eli t e
Whe r e it
it c o n s t i t u t e d w o r k e r s as
tha n m e m b e r s of a class,
E m p l o y e r r h e t o r i c hid
fa cad e of classical
an d lab or' s
in w a g e p o l i c y for example,
l ik ewise was a d v ant age ous ,
insisting that
work p r o c e s s in a
of a s u p p o s e d u ni t y of capital
c a p i t a l ’s advantage,
than humans.
the
e conomics,
f a c t o r s rather
its a c t i o n s b e h i n d the
j u st ify ing
it wa s g o v e r n e d by ec on o m i c
its b e h a v i o r
by
law s a n d owed
no thing to morality.
But its e x h o r t a t i o n s to work and
o b e d i e n c e were m o r a l .
In a per iod when b u s i n e s s c o n s o l i d a t i o n pointed
toward
less i n t e r - e l i t e s t r i f e and m ore c o o p e r a t i o n ,
c r y s t a l l i z a t i o n of an e f f e c t i v e
owners'
de t e r m i n a t i o n
as a common enemy.
labor
labor i d e o l o g y r ein for ced
to uni t e against w h a t t h e y perce ive d
In one sense,
i deo l o g y toward
e m p l o y e r s d i r e c t e d their
each other and g a i n e d
i de ntity by j u x t a p o s i n g t h e m s e l v e s aga i n s t
articulation,
e x c h a n g e and p r o p a g a t i o n
in str ength and
labor.
of the i r
pr ovi ded c o h e r e n c e to the ruli ng class and
social
The
ideas
furnished a
s o l i d a r i t y n e c e s s a r y to mai nta in c l a s s bonds.
Em ploysr
i deology avinced
certainty.
It pr ovi d e d
little a m b i v a l e n c e and much
a m o t i v a t i o n for action,
co ord i n a t i o n of tactics,
leg it i m a t e e x e r c i s e of owners'
p o w e r . 1 The p r o p a g a n d i s t s in the t hr e e studies,
a p p a r e n t l y havi ng no di rec t c o m m u n i c a t i o n
shared s imilar and of t e n
i n dic ati ng
shared practical
a
and fo st e r e d a f a v o r a b l e public
opinion for a mor e f r e e and
belief
the
identical
although
with one a n o t h e r ,
p a t t e r n s of a n a l y s i s and
common d e f i n i t i o n s of t h e p r o b l e m and
s o l u t i o n s to the d i s p u t e b e t w e e n capital
and labor.
The radical
labor
in for ce in the last
Al tho ugh radical
id eo l o g y of U.S.
w o r k m e n dec lined
quarter of the n i n e t e e n t h century.
labor o r g a n i z a t i o n s c o n t i n u e d to cha ll e n g e
b u s i n e s s ideology,
labor's mainstream
l e a d e r s h i p emerged
254
from thi s p e r i o d ha vin g ad opted many of e m p l o y e r s ideas
co nce rni ng
the r e l a t i o n s be tw e e n capital
growth of a r b i t r a t i o n
in t he period
and
labor.
1900-1920,
With the
wor ker s
achieved a v o i c e in d e t e r m i n i n g w a g e s and wor k conditions.
A r b i t r a t i o n too k place,
however,
under the e m p l o y e r ' s terms,
w ithin a c o n t e x t whic h s u s tai ned the essential
r e l a t i o n s h i p s of the s t a t u s quo.
economic
Thi s c ont e x t na rrowed the
debate to a q u e s tio n of o b t a i n i n g b e n e f i t s w i t h i n the
system.
Organized
early radical
employers.
labor
in the U.S.
turned a w a y fr om its
p o s i t i o n and bega n to cast its lot with
The res ult
was that,
bet w e e n
1880 and
1910,
trade
unions i n c r e a s i n q l v acted as l egi t i m a t o r s of the ideology of
another
class.
The p r o c e s s of s u b o rd ina tin g
opp osi tio nal
class id eas u n d e r the d omi nan t em ployer
working
i d e o l o g y was not
enti rel y due to the h e g e mon ic power of employers.
Their
ideology did not u n i l a t e r a l l y d e t e r m i n e what w a s thought
about
labor,
but b rou g h t to bear a ne two rk of
ideas and
i n t e re sts t hat p r o f o u n d l y inf luenced any d i s c u s s i o n
workers,
u n i o n s or strikes.
ab sol u t e or mono lit hic ,
In short,
about
their power was not
but it was sys tem ic and
legitimating.
It rested,
ultimately,
of the state.
It did not
i n s t an tly drive out wo rki ng class
ideology,
in the long run,
b ut
it prevailed.
exist t o d a y a mon g me mb e r s of the U.S.
are so d i s c r e d i t e d
on th e c o e r c i v e power
Radical
workforce,
ideas
but they
and p e n a li zed that they c ann ot be
255
con s i d e r e d part of any m a i n s t r e a m challenge.
U.S.
Today,
most
c i t i z e n s and u n i o n i z e d labor s u p p o r t c a p i t a l i s t
political
e c o n o m y for r e a s o n s t hat r e pe at m a ny of the ideas
e x pr ess ed by o w n e r s in t h i s period,
workers,
unions,
capital.2
is biased
rights,
i d e a s a bout work,
and t he social
The d o mi nan t nati ona l
f un c t i o n of
c o n s c i o u s n e s s has been
a ga ins t unions.
The o u t c o m e of the d i a l o g u e b e t w e e n capital
labor
in t h i s p e rio d was the result,
ideological
result
and
control
in part,
on the part of capital.
in the t r iu mph of
the b e t t e r a r gum ent about how
should r elate to each o t h e r . It resulted,
trium ph of the f o rce of the
it.
of systematic,
It did not
s oc iet y should be c o n s t i t u t e d or how capital
came to p e r c e i v e
and
Better,
instead,
"better argume nt"
not b e c a u s e
and labor
as s o cie ty
it p r o vid ed for
s oc iet y a great er degre e of f r e e d o m or justice,
me rely b e c a u s e it prevailed.
in the
but bette r
ENDNOTES:
CHAPTER 7
1
Robert S o b e l , The E n t r e e r e n e u r l E x p l o r a t i o n s
Within the American Business Tradition
(New York: W e y b r i g h t and Talley, 1974),
p. 337.
2
Rog er Blough.
Ihe Fr e e Man and the G g r g g r a t i g n
(New York: M cGr aw - H i l l , 1959); th e author.
C h a i r m a n of Uni t e d S t a t e s Steel C o r p o r a t i o n
r e s t a t e s m uch of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y
e n t r e p r e n e u r a l ideology, such as u n i o n s
c o n s t i t u t e a loss of freedom.
257
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