Untitled - Raphael: Drawings in Budapest

4
41
Raphael
Esterházy Madonna
c. 1507–8
Tempera and oil, on panel
28.5 × 21.5 cm
Budapest, Museum of Fine Arts, 71
In Florence, Raphael exclusively painted portraits and small devotional pictures, and the
only large altarpiece that he undertook during
these years was the Madonna del Baldacchino
(Florence, Palazzo Pitti). This range of work
implies that the painter had no intention to
establish an organized workshop in the town,
and Vasari must have been correct to claim
that his aim with his visit was to learn and perfect his art.1 In order to make a living during
his sojourn, Raphael needed to find a genre
that guaranteed a regular source of income
with the least possible investment.
Small devotional pictures, especially those
depicting the Virgin and Child, had been in
great demand in Florence from the fifteenth
century. Their great popularity was enhanced
by the custom of presenting them as wedding
gifts (quadri di spose), but they attracted collectors as well. As devotional pictures were
easy to sell and assured a steady earning for
painters during periods when they lacked
commissions, they were produced in large
numbers by artists and assistants, and were
traded by art dealers.2
Throughout his career, Raphael had an
astonishing ability to establish contacts; in
Florence he rapidly gained the support of sev-
eral prominent families and executed paintings for, among others, the illustrious Taddeo
Taddei, Lorenzo Nasi, Domenico Canigniani
and Agnolo Doni.3 However, the relatively
large number of his unassigned Madonnas
suggests that they were often produced not
for specific customers but for the open market.
The Virgin and Child, a frequent and
favoured subject of artworks also in Umbria,
was conceived in a radically different manner
by Florentine painters.4 Raphael’s fundamental inspiration had been Leonardo, who in the
last third of the fifteenth century introduced a
completely innovative and exciting approach
to this traditional theme. Leonardo’s cartoon
for the Virgin and Child with Saint Anne and
Saint John the Baptist (London, National
Gallery), displayed to the public in 1501, was
regarded as a revolutionary work at the time.
The pyramidal arrangement of interlocking
monumental figures constituted a primary
source for Raphael’s Florentine Madonnas.
The delicate rendering of the balanced
yet asymmetrical composition of the Ester­
házy Madonna also revealed Raphael’s new
awareness of the Leonardesque concept of
the Virgin and Child integrated in a pastoral
landscape [fig. 41]. Leonardo’s pen drawing,
64
today at the Royal Collection, Windsor, might
have served as a source for the composition
[fig. 42].5 Although Raphael was faithful to
Leonardo’s example, the group of the Virgin
and Child with the infant John the Baptist
on the Windsor sheet was transformed by
Raphael into a more mature and sophisticated composition than those of his previous
Madonnas. While he followed Leonardo’s
pyramidal arrangement, Raphael placed the
three figures in a spacious landscape, and created a more compact and clear, lively ensemble
by the interlocked forms and gestures.
Between 1504 and 1508, Raphael made several drawings for the Virgin and Child, but
curiously, only a single compositional study
for the Esterházy Madonna has come down
to us [fig. 43].6 His pen drawing preserved in
the Uffizi, Florence, gives the complete image
and corresponds almost exactly with the panel.
The main differences are that in the painted
version, the horizon has been lowered, a river
runs across the hills to the left, and the Tuscan
landscape has been replaced by classical ruins.
The adjustments were mainly due to the
different format of the painting and the drawing. In the preparatory phase documented by
the Florence sheet, Raphael must have had a
slightly narrower panel in mind. The vertical
axis of the drawing has been shifted somewhat
to the right in the wider panel, thus the figures
have become more loosely tied and the infant
John the Baptist placed further from the Virgin.7 Despite their obvious divergences, the
Florence sheet was usually considered as the
final cartoon used for the painting, primarily
for its close correspondence in detail, almost
identical size, and pricked contours.8
According to Central Italian practice, the
final design of small and medium-sized
paintings was realized in a full-scale cartoon
(cartone). The contours of these detailed
drawings were transferred directly onto the
surface of the panel in preparation, by the
method of pouncing or tracing.9 For larger
panels, cartoons were sometimes replaced
by a smaller modello covered by a grid for the
purpose of scaling up the design.10 In some
cases, Raphael only ruled the horizontal and
vertical axis on the prepared panel.11
During his pre-Roman years, Raphael used
detailed cartoons even for his small panels12
and participated in all stages of the preparatory process of larger altarpieces, from the
execution of the cartoon to its transfer onto
the panel.13 As underdrawing was the last
phase in which the painter could easily alter
his composition, Raphael paid special attention to the underdrawing of his works, whose
execution usually required the participation
42
Leonardo
The Virgin and Child with the
Infant Baptist, and Heads
in Profile
c. 1478
Pen and brown ink, 405 × 290 mm
Windsor, Royal Collection, 12276
43
Raphael
Study for the Esterházy
Madonna
c. 1507–8
Pen and brown ink, over black chalk,
squared in stylus, outlines pricked for
transfer, 287 × 192 mm
Florence, Uffizi, 539E
44
Infrared reflectograph of fig. 41
45
Digital image
The digitally coloured Florence drawing
(fig. 43) superimposed on the infrared
reflectograph of the Esterházy Madonna
(fig. 44)
68
of assistants. He often continued to elaborate
and modify his design on the panel.14 Raphael never ceased to realize the underdrawing
of his works himself, even at the time when
he delegated the realization of his paintings
partially or entirely to his Roman workshop.15
Similarly to cartoons, the Florence drawing
was extensively pounced along its outlines
and vertical and horizontal axis. However,
the infrared reflectograph of the Esterházy
Madonna detected no traces of spolvero [fig.
44]. In addition, the computer image made
by scanning the Florence sheet and layered
on top of the infrared reflectograph of the
painting clearly reveals that their contours
do not exactly correspond and there are significant divergences in the relative position of the
figures as well [fig. 45]. It is certain therefore,
that the Florence drawing did not serve as the
cartoon for the painting.
As seen in the case of The Massacre of the
Innocents, in order to review his concept during the evolution of his compositions, Raphael
frequently pounced or traced resolved details
onto another sheet; a sixth of his surviving
drawings are either pricked for transfer or
drawn over pounce marks.16 The Uffizi drawing may have been such an intervening study,
from which Raphael made a copy, probably
in the stage of changing the format of the
panel.17
The fresh and confident underdrawing also
contradicts the view that it may be a mechanical copy from a cartoon. Since the animal
glue content of the chalk or gypsum ground
allows the metalpoint to leave a distinct mark,
Raphael sketched directly onto the panel.18
The soft and slightly smudgy greyish-black
lines suggest that he most possibly used lead or
zinc-based metalpoint.19 The freehand under-
drawing is relatively schematic, concentrating
primarily on the arrangement of the figures
and searching only for the optimum contours.
While the painter clearly defined the outlines
of the main forms, he omitted the internal
modelling of the figures and the indication of
the drapery folds. The position of the banderole held by Saint John the Baptist remained
unresolved, and because his long thin cross
was to be painted only in the final phase, over
the top layer of the finished landscape, it is
indicated solely by two short strokes in the
underdrawing [fig. 46].
46 and 47
Details of fig. 44
69
In comparison with Raphael’s other panel
paintings of a similar scale, the underdrawing
of the Esterházy Madonna is unusually less
elaborated.20 As Raphael always prepared his
works with meticulous care, developing the
compositions through whole sequences of
drawings, there is no reason to suppose that
he outlined the invention of the Esterházy
Madonna on the panel itself. The very few
changes (pentimenti) also imply that the
painter might have followed a pre-existing
compositional study or a finished modello. The
small-scale Esterházy Madonna is one of the
very few paintings by Raphael that may be
regarded as entirely autograph, from the first
stages of its preparation until the final phase
of its execution. For this reason, a carefully
detailed compositional study and a less-elaborated freehand underdrawing were sufficient
for the painter to be able to realize the small
group of figures in the still sophisticated composition of the Esterházy Madonna.
Once he commenced on the actual painting,
Raphael usually did not considerably alter his
compositions.21 He was most likely to modify
the background, as is also true of the Ester­
71
48 and 49
Details of fig. 44
házy Madonna, where the most significant
changes Raphael made were in the landscape:
the Florence drawing attests that the antique
ruins were introduced only at a later point.
While Raphael generally used compasses and
rulers for architectural details, the infrared
reflectograph of the Budapest painting shows
only a few indicative lines for the buildings,
and there are no traces of indented lines or
marks, and probably these were also sketched
directly on the ground [fig. 47]. The painter
did not modify the arrangement or pose of
the figures, the border lines of the paint layers
correspond precisely with the contours of the
underdrawing.
Various pigments required different modes
of preparation and techniques, which basically determined the elaboration of a painting.
Some pigments had to be thinly painted in a
single translucent layer, while others dictated
a multilayered technique, and there were also
some that needed underpaint of an equivalent
colour. The technique of Raphael’s pre-Roman
paintings originates from the mid-fifteenth
century Central Italian tradition followed
also in Umbria and Tuscany, and closely mirrors that of Perugino and Fra Bartolommeo
(1472–1517).22
Paintings were worked up gradually and
evenly, and Raphael applied colour in several
layers rather than by mixing. He usually covered the larger and substantial passages, such
as the sky, with a single, elastically applied
layer of oils. Conversely, he elaborated the
draperies with a more thickly painted multilayered technique, modelling them with a final
layer of glazing with added powdered glass to
enhance brilliance. For the most expensive
ultramarine, he applied azurite, or azurite
and white undercoat, to attain a deeper, more
intense effect. Flesh paints were applied in
several thin layers of glazing and impasto.23 In
raking light the different levels of the painted
layers create a sort of low-relief, preventing
the possibilities of later modifications. Underdrawing marked the border lines for priming
layers, and therefore was usually limited to
basic contours and completely disregarded
modelling.24
The underdrawing of the Esterházy Ma­
donna, also composed of the main outlines,
is detectible even to the naked eye under the
most transparent, glazed layers, especially
50
Fig. 41 in ultraviolet-induced
luminescence
51
X-ray image of fig. 41
74
the Virgin’s face and hands, or the bodies of
the two children. As the painting was abandoned at an unfinished stage, each colour had
been left in a similar state of incompleteness,
therefore the application of flesh paint may
be easily examined.25 Raphael started to work
on the thinly applied imprimatura over the
ground. On this lead-tin yellow layer of oilpaint he indicated shadows with a pale greenish-brown paint with hatching strokes painted
with a stiff brush. As he added a small amount
of yellow pigment to the paint, the undercoat
received a greenish-golden tone. The use of
this prime layer recalls the traditional medieval method of underpainting with terra verde
and modelling with verdaccio, while its variant
mixed with yellow pigments was widely used
in Florentine workshops of the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries.26
Onto this undercoat Raphael applied thick
layers of off-white highlights and pulled
an opaque layer of pinkish paint over the
semi-translucent under-modelling for the
hands and faces; this impasto is clearly visible
in ultraviolet-induced luminescence imaging
[fig. 50]. Finally, for the modelling of the
draperies and flesh, Raphael customarily
used a thin translucent topmost layer. The della Rovere, Duke of Urbino, for a commisEsterházy Madonna remained unfinished: the sion of the painting of ‘a certain room’ (una
thin final brownish-grey layer of glaze that certa stanza).28 As the recommendation was
would have reinforced the darker shadows to be addressed to Piero Soderini, gonfaloniere
was never applied.27
of Florence, it has been suggested that the
The completion of the Esterházy Madonna ‘certain room’ may have been the Sala del Gran
was presumably prevented by the painter’s Consiglio, the decoration of which had been
sudden departure for Rome, the exact date suspended.29 However, no other source refers
of which is unknown. The last document to the Sala Grande as a stanza, and the room
referring to Raphael’s sojourn in Florence is alluded to in Raphael’s letter may rather be one
a letter of 21 April, 1508, in which the painter of the suite in the Vatican papal apartments,
asked his uncle to obtain on his behalf a letter the redecoration of which had been initiated
of recommendation from Francesco Maria by Julius II (1503–1513) in November 1507.30 For
75
52
Ultraviolet-reflected image of
the back of fig. 44
53
Roman Master
Crouching Venus
2nd century AD
Marble
Height: 1.12 m
London, British Museum (on loan from
Her Majesty the Queen), GR 1963.10-29.1
54
Marcantonio Raimondi
Crouching Venus
c. 1509
Engraving printed in red
222 × 148 mm
Budapest, Museum of Fine Arts, 5610
an ambitious young painter yet unknown in
Rome, Soderini counted as a patron just as
prominent as the Pope’s nephew, the Duke
of Urbino.31
Raphael did indeed receive the Vatican
commission: a payment dated 13 January, 1509
evidences that he had been engaged in the
decoration of a papal room, most probably
the Stanza della Segnatura.32 In his aforementioned letter to his uncle in April 1508,
Raphael mentioned a painting for which he
would soon finish the cartoon; the painting
is customarily identified with his only major
large Florentine altarpiece, the Madonna del
Baldacchino, intended for the Dei chapel in
the church of Santo Spirito.33 Although the
altarpiece remained unfinished, its stage of
completion suggests several months’ worth
of work. The first campaign of labour on the
ceiling frescoes of the Stanza della Segnatura,
commenced by Sodoma (1477–1549) before
Raphael’s involvement, is probably docu-
mented by a payment of 13 October, 1508,34
which also suggests that Raphael did not leave
Florence before the autumn of 1508.35
The Madonna del Baldacchino was abandoned in an unfinished state in Florence,36 but
the small Esterházy Madonna could have been
taken with Raphael to Rome. If the panel was
not painted on commission, there was no haste
for its completion.37 In the complete absence of
sources, its origins are unknown. A note once
attached to the back of the panel, but today
lost, stated that the painting was presented to
Empress Elizabeth Christine (1691–1750) by
Pope Clement XI (1700–1721).38 Although the
note is known only from a nineteenth-century
transcription, its original place is still clearly
apparent in ultraviolet reflective imaging, and
its authenticity is approved by the imperial
76
wax stamps indicating its Habsburg origin
[fig. 52].39 Without the existence of relevant
sources, the circumstances and time of the
painting’s acquisition by the Pope remain
among the unsolved questions.40
The appearance of the Nerva Forum and
the campanile of the San Basilio Church in
the background of the Esterházy Madonna
raise the possibility that Raphael may have
continued working on the unfinished panel
after he arrived in Rome.41 The antique motif
in itself does not prove his presence in Rome,
but it does demonstrate the complex relation
of Raphael’s art with the Antique. In common
with his Florentine figure studies, in Raphael’s
later works it is also difficult to determine
whether the painter studied the included
antique motifs in situ or whether they had
been mediated to him.
Although we cannot exclude the possibility
that Raphael had visited Rome before 1508,42
the antique ruins of the Esterházy Madonna
may be compared with an illustration of the
Codex Escurialensis, a collection of copies
77
55
Leonardo
Three Studies of Leda
and a Rearing Horse
c. 1503–4
Black chalk, pen and brown ink
293 × 413 mm
Windsor, Royal Collection, 12337
after Roman antiquities, originating from
late fifteenth-century Florence, and associated
with the workshop of Domenico Ghirlandaio
(1448/49–1494).43
The question is further complicated by
the fact that the source of the Ponte Quattro
Carpi in the background of The Massacre of
the Innocents [fig. 25] has also been associated
with a drawing in the Codex Escurialensis.44
As the volume had been taken to La Calahorra
in Spain in 1509, it could definitely not have
served as a direct model for the engraving
created in Rome around 1511–12.45
Raphael might have either copied drawings
from the Codex earlier, while in Florence, or
possibly used pattern sheets in circulation in
Florentine and Roman workshops. Whether
or not the motif of the Nerva Forum originates directly from the Codex Escurialensis
is impossible to decide. However, it calls our
attention to the significance of the pattern
sheets’ mediating role in Raphael’s art, which
is also well exemplified by the twisted posture
of the Virgin in the Esterházy Madonna.
The Virgin’s pose was clearly inspired by the
Crouch­ing Venus, an antique marble extremely
popular in the Renaissance. As a Roman copy
of the Hellenistic statue of the Doidalsas type
had been in the possession of Guidobaldo
da Montefeltro, Duke of Urbino, until 1502,
this was probably accessible for Raphael
[fig. 53].46 However, the Virgin’s pose was not
directly borrowed from the original statue,
but from one of Leonardo’s studies for Leda
drawn between 1504–8.47 In contrast to
Marc­antonio Raimondi’s engraving depicting the statue from the traditional side-view
[fig. 54],48 Leonardo’s drawings present the
statue from a frontal view, emphasizing the
ideal sinuous form [fig. 55]. Raphael adopted
Leonardo’s interpretation of the antique statue,
and adjusted with creative independence the
classical motif of the Crouching Venus to the
Christian theme of the Esterházy Madonna.49
78
1 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 4, pp. 320–21.
2 Meyer zur Capellen 1996, pp. 145–46.
3 For Raphael’s Florentine patrons, see Alessandro
Cecchi in Florence 1986, pp. 37–46.
4 For Raphael’s Florentine Madonnas, see Meyer zur
Capellen 2001, pp. 145–207.
5 Clark and Pedretti 1968, no. 12276.
6 Joannides 1983, no. 169 cf. no. 165r; for the drawing in detail, see Sylvia Ferino-Pagden in Vatican
1984–85, no. 44.
7 Raphael’s drawing indicates an intended proportion of 2:3 while that of the final panel is 3:4. The
posterior cutting of the lower and upper edges
of the panel, along the incised lines marking the
borders of the image, means that its proportions
were not significantly altered, see Móré 1987, p. 107.
8 See among others, Bambach 1999, p. 76 and Meyer
zur Capellen 2001, no. 34. Sylvia Ferino-Pagden,
however, rightly emphasized that without the
underdrawing’s examination in infrared reflectograph, this may not be established with certainty,
see Vatican 1984, no. 44.
9 For these methods, see chapter 3, note 64 and 65.
10 Ames-Lewis 1986, p. 39 and Bambach 1999, p. 122.
11 Roy, Spring, and Plazzotta 2004, p. 7.
12 Meyer zur Capellen 2001, nos. 14 and 21; Roy,
Spring, and Plazzotta 2004, pp. 15–17. For Raphael’s
use of cartoon, see comprehensively Hiller von
Gaertringen 1999, pp. 223–97.
13 Roy, Spring, and Plazzotta 2004, pp. 6–7.
14 Hiller von Gaertringen 1999, pp. 241–44.
15 Mozo 2012–13, p. 325.
16 Bambach 1999, pp. 14–15.
17 This is suggested by the drawing’s pricked vertical
axis falling somewhat to the left, which corresponds with the painting’s central axis.
18 Like most of Raphael’s paintings of this period, the
Esterházy Madonna was painted on a poplar panel.
The panel subsequently underwent an extreme
reduction of thickness, which is greatly responsible
for its heavily warped condition; see Móré 1987,
pp. 107–9. The small, randomly scattered white
dots visible in the X-ray image are surface bubbles caused by the stirring or overheating during
the preparation of the gesso; cf. Roy, Spring, and
Plazzotta 2004, p. 5. The very pale tone of the X-ray
image suggests an imprimatura consisting of leadwhite, see fig. 51.
19 The character of the lines is similar to those in
the underdrawing of Raphael’s contemporary
Madonna of the Pinks and Aldobrandini Madonna
(both in London, National Gallery) executed two
years later. Although the EDX-examinations
performed on these two paintings detected lead
and zinc, this does not necessarily exclude the
possibility that Raphael used silverpoint in the
underdrawing of the Esterházy Madonna, see
Roy, Spring, and Plazzotta 2004, p. 26 and Carol
Plazzotta in Bomford 2002, p. 130.
20 This is particularly evident in comparison with
the infrared reflectographs of the Madonna of the
Pinks of c. 1506–7 and the Garvagh Madonna of
c. 1509–10, both with full freehand under­drawing
(London, National Gallery), see Roy, Spring,
and Plazzotta 2004, pp. 26–31, fig. 6; Dunkerton
and Penny 1993, fig. 5, see also Hiller von Gaertringen 1999, pp. 244–55.
21 The infrared reflectograph of the Madonna del Bal­
dacchino shows that in the last preparatory phase
before painting, Raphael applied brown lavish to
alter some details of the underdrawing, as well as
to model forms, see Mozo 2012–13, pp. 324 and
326–28. For a detailed analysis of the altarpiece’s
technique, see Florence 1991, pp. 55–64 and 79–82.
22 For detailed technical analysis of Raphael’s early
paintings, see Shearman and Hall 1990; Penny
1992; Dunkerton and Penny 1993; Roy, Spring, and
Plazzotta 2004; Roy and Spring 2007. The National
Gallery, London has published numerous technical
documents, see http://www.nationalgallery.org.uk­/
paintings­/research­/raphael-research-project. Our
information on the Esterházy Madonna derives
primarily from the documentation of its restoration and technical examination performed by
Miklós Móré in 1984; published partially in Móré
1987. Another essential source of information was
the unpublished presentation by András Fáy.
23 Roy, Spring, and Plazzotta 2004, pp. 7–9.
24 Mozo 2012–13, p. 326.
25 Sonnenburg 1990, pp. 71–72. The method is also
clearly visible in Raphael’s Canigiani Holy Family
(Munich, Alte Pinakothek) and in the unfinished
Madonna del Baldacchino.
26 Bomford 2002, p. 29; Dunkerton and Roy 1996.
27 Such a topmost layer was applied also on the
Mond Crucifixion and the Saint Catherine (both
79
in London, National Gallery), see Roy, Spring, and
Plazzotta 2004, pp. 14–15, 32.
28 Shearman 2003, pp. 112–18.
29 Caglioti 2000, p. 337.
30 Nesselrath 2004a, p. 282.
31 Hirst 2000, pp. 487–92.
32 Shearman 2003, pp. 122–28.
33 For the different views, see Shearman 2003, p. 115;
for the altarpiece, see Meyer zur Capellen 2001,
no. 40.
34 Bartalini 2001, pp. 546–47, esp. note 15.
35 Shearman 1977, p. 140, note 5.
36 In the Lives, Vasari mentions two unfinished paintings by Raphael, the Madonna del Baldacchino and
the Colonna Madonna (Berlin, Gemäldegalerie),
and suggests the latter was completed by Ridolfo
Ghirlandaio, see Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 4, pp.
328–29.
37 For the supposition that the Esterházy Madonna
may be identical with one of the Madonna paintings that Raphael executed for Giudobaldo da
Montefeltro mentioned by Vasari in ed. Milanesi,
vol. 4, pp. 322–23, see Ferino-Pagden and Zancan
1989, p. 78.
38 For the provenance of the Esterházy Madonna, see
Garas 1983.
39 Térey 1916, p. 111.
40 It has been suggested that the painting was probably
in the possession of Cardinal Domenico Passionei
in Rome in October 1702 (Garas 1999, pp. 109–10).
‘Monsignor Passionei hat einen Entwurf (bozzetto)
desselben Sujets, der so groß ist wie ein halbes
Folioformat, aber ganz anders. Die Madonna
kniet und der heilige Johannes kniet, aber auf der
anderen Seite, so daß keinerlei Ähnlichkeit besteht.
Monsignor Passionei has a sketch (bozzetto) of the
same subject, which is as large as a half folio, but
quite different. The Madonna is kneeling and Saint
John is kneeling, but on the other side, so no kind
of similarity exists.’ (Epé 1990, p. 165).
41 Crowe and Cavalcaselle 1883–85, vol. 1, pp. 365–69;
Becatti 1969, p. 509.
42 See chapter 2, note 45.
43 Egger 1905–6, fol. 29v; Shearman 1977, p. 134; Garas
1983, pp. 49–52; for the possible provenance of the
Codex, see Kruft 1970; Nesselrath 1986, p. 359;
Nesselrath 1996a.
44 Egger 1905–6, fol. 27v; Shearman 1977, p. 128, note
22; cf. Morello 1985–86, no. 39.
45 Shoemaker 1981, no. 21 and Emison 1984, p. 262.
46 Bober and Rubinstein 1986, no. 18.
47 For the antique sources of Leonardo’s Leda, see
Allison 1974; for the drawings, see Bambach 2003,
nos. 88, 98 and 99; for Leonardo’s relation with
antiquity, see Dalli Regoli, Nanni, and Natali 2001;
Marani 2003–4; Nanni and Monaco 2007.
48 Bartsch XIV.235.313; Marzia Faietti in Bologna 1988,
no. 36; for the dating of the print and its sources,
see Laura Aldovini in Athens 2003–4, no. XI.25.
49 For Renaissance depictions of the Crouching Venus
and its connections with the Esterházy Madonna,
see Holo 1978–79, esp. pp. 31–32.
Alberti (Sinisgalli) 2006
Rocco Sinisgalli, Il nuovo De pictura di Leon Battista
Alberti/The New De Pictura of Leon Battista Alberti,
Rome 2006
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Ann H. Allison, ‘Antique Sources of Leonardo’s
Leda’, Art Bulletin 56 (1974), pp. 375–84
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Janet Ambers, Catherine Higgitt, and David
Saunders (eds.), Italian Renaissance Drawings:
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Francis Ames-Lewis, Drawing in Early Renaissance
Italy, New Haven and London 1981
Ames-Lewis 1986
Francis Ames-Lewis, The Draftsman Raphael, New
Haven and London 1986
Ames-Lewis 1999
Francis Ames-Lewis, ‘Raphael and his Circle’,
Apollo 150 (1999), pp. 53–55
Angelini 1986
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Farnesina a Roma: L’ incontro delle scuole Toscana,
Umbra e Romana (1511–1514), in Tecnica e stile.
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eds. Eve Borsook and Fiorella Superbi Gioffredi,
Florence 1986, pp. 95–110
Athens 2003–4
In the Light of Apollo: Italian Renaissance and Greece,
ed. Mina Gregori, exhibition catalogue, 2 vols.,
Athens, Alexandros Soutzos Museum 2003–4
Bacchi et al. 1988
Andrea Bacchi et al., La pittura del Cinquecento a
Roma e nel Lazio I: Da Giulio II al Sacco di Roma,
in Giuliano Briganti (ed.), La pittura in Italia:
Il Cinquecento, Milan 1988
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Lord Balniel and Kenneth Clark (eds.),
A Commemorative Catalogue of the Exhibition
of Italian Art Held in the Galleries of the Royal
Academy, Burlington House, London, exhibition
catalogue, London 1931
Bambach 1992
Carmen C. Bambach, ‘A Substitute Cartoon for
Raphael’s Disputa’, Master Drawings 30 (1992),
pp. 9–30
Bambach 1999
Carmen C. Bambach, Drawing and Painting in the
Italian Renaissance Workshop: Theory and Practice,
1300–1600, Cambridge 1999
Bambach 2003
Carmen C. Bambach (ed.), Leonardo da Vinci:
Master Draftsman, exhibition catalogue, New York,
Metropolitan Museum of Art 2003
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