（第２時限：８０分）２０１３年度 ! 〈ＩＲ方式〉英語問題（国際関係に関する英語記述問題）（全８ページ）注意事項１．試験開始の合図があるまで，この問題冊子の中を見てはいけません。２．解答はすべて別紙の解答用紙に記入し，楷書ではっきり書きなさい。３．解答はすべて横書きにしなさい。４．解答は，各設問の解答欄の範囲（太枠内）で記述しなさい。５．解答用紙４枚・下書用紙１枚はこの冊子に折り込んであります。６．試験終了後，問題冊子・下書用紙は持ち帰りなさい。 ! （IRab ） " 次の英文を読んで，以下の設問に日本語で答えなさい。 In the past decade there has been a groundbreaking trend across Latin America towards electing women to political office. This began with the election of Michelle Bachelet as President of Chile in 2006. Other examples include the current president of Argentina, Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, as well as Presidents Laura Chinchilla of Costa Rica and Dilma Rousseff of Brazil, both of whom took office in 2010. However, women still face discrimination in regional political life, rooted in social, economic, cultural and historical factors. And the situation １２ is even worse for African-descendant and indigenous women. ! Accurate data on the situation of indigenous and African-descendant women in the Americas is limited. But the available information shows that in 2010, very few African-descendant and indigenous women held significant positions in politics or public administration. There are at least 75 million black women in Latin America and the Caribbean; however, those who occupy high-level political or public administration posts number less than 70. At a presentation to the International Parliamentary Conference in Mexico in 2010, a female Mexican Senator explained that while women in general face a male-dominated political structure, indigenous women must ３ also confront a “mono-ethnic” political environment that historically has ４ excluded any diversity. Nevertheless, there have been some advances. According to a United Nations report in 2010, seven countries in Central America and ten in South America have taken steps towards ensuring the inclusion of more women in politics, using a combination of official and voluntary systems. These include reserved places on candidate lists, reserved seats in the parliament and voluntary political party quotas, aimed at including a ― １ ― ! （IRab ） certain percentage of women as party-sponsored election candidates. There are also small quotas for the inclusion of indigenous and African-descendant representatives in parliaments. For instance, following social pressure in the 1970s, Colombia introduced ethnic quotas, whereby indigenous people are allocated two representatives in the Senate and one in the House of Representatives. But in Colombia and elsewhere, no special measures have been taken to specifically ensure the participation of female indigenous or African-descendant candidates. In Nicaragua, some indigenous women have made it to the parliament. In Mexico, there have been some constitutional changes with respect to involving women and indigenous peoples. Nevertheless, at the national level indigenous people have to participate in the election process as members of one of the traditional political parties, which generally do not favour the inclusion of the indigenous community, much less indigenous women. It should be noted that in the 2008 election cycle, of the 23 women who represent 18 percent of the total number of federal senators, none identified themselves as indigenous. The ongoing lack of indigenous women in political life should not come as a surprise. To begin with, in order to become candidates for public office, indigenous women must first confront a political culture that in most instances favours ５ mainstream male candidates. In addition to ６ challenges facing all women candidates, prospective indigenous women candidates must also cope with a number of constraints peculiar to their ７ historically marginalized constituencies. These include their own lack of access to educational opportunities ; negative views on indigenous candidates’ ability, both as women and as minorities; pressure to reject traditional clothing and language styles and to speak and dress in accordance with mainstream cultural norms; and existing ８ machismo cultural attitudes among both men and women in their own communities ― ２ ― ! （IRab ） that do not encourage women to assume leadership roles. This means that if there is to be any positive change in this regard, it is first necessary to implement concrete measures to overcome the multiple forms of discrimination that indigenous and minority women experience. ９ NGOs in Mexico and across the region have called on state congresses to publish data on the number of indigenous women who are active in leadership positions in the various national political parties at regional, municipal and indigenous community levels. These NGOs also want this １０ information to be disaggregated by ethnic group, and to include details on the political achievements of indigenous women leaders. They also call for current gender quotas to be raised to a fifty-fifty balance in the national and local electoral laws, and for the establishment of indigenous quotas within the female quota itself. In practical terms, this means that political parties in Mexico and across the region would have to begin distributing funding to train and improve the skills of female candidates, so that they stop being regarded as inexperienced beginners. This would include funding being directed to female political hopefuls who come from areas with large indigenous populations. Among other measures, NGOs argue that it would also require instituting indigenous women’s forums to analyse what training indigenous women need to be able to stand as candidates, and to integrate indigenous women into election committees and human rights commissions, especially in those countries with large indigenous populations. (Adapted from “Electoral processes, political participation and indigenous women in Latin America”) ― ３ ― ! （IRab ）（注）１．African-descendant アフリカ人を祖先にもつ２．indigenous 先住民の３．mono-ethnic 単一民族の４．diversity 多様性５．mainstream 主流の６．prospective 有望な７．marginalized 社会的に軽視されている８．machismo 男性優位主義の９．NGO 非政府組織１０．be disaggregated by… …ごとに細分化される〈設問〉〔１〕下線部 " を訳しなさい。〔２〕２０１０年に出された国連の報告書で挙げられている，女性の政治参加を増やすために中南米の１７の国々が取った手段とは何かを説明しなさい。〔３〕先住民族の人々，特に女性が国政レベルで政治参加することに関して，既存の政党はどのように感じていると述べられているか，答えなさい。〔４〕女性候補者が直面する困難に加え，先住民族女性の候補者が直面する困難とは何か。４点挙げなさい。〔５〕「メキシコやその他のラテンアメリカ地域の非政府組織が先住民族女性の政治参加を増やすために，より詳細なデータの公表などを政府に求めている」とあるが，さらにそれが実際に意味するところはどういうものであると述べられているか，説明しなさい。 ― ４ ― ! （IRab ） " 次の英文を読んで，以下の設問に日本語で答えなさい。１ Europeans must create a democratic and accountable polity to remove what has been called the “democratic deficit.” Thus far, the movement ! toward greater European economic and political unification has been an elite movement composed of national public leaders, business leaders, and EU civil servants. Public opinion throughout the European Community, on the other hand, has been either hostile or at least unprepared for the increasingly ambitious steps being taken toward a unified European ２ political and economic structure. Indeed, the Maastricht Treaty, even though it was signed by all fifteen members of the EU, soon met ３ opposition in the ratification process in Denmark, France, and Great Britain. Even in Germany there has been strong citizen resistance to the idea of giving up the Deutschmark in favor of the euro. Despite creation of the EU and talk of a new “European” mentality, political consciousness in Europe as of this writing remains largely national German, French, and so forth. The hard political facts of separate national identities have continued to clash with the intense efforts of the European political elite to implement the extraordinarily ambitious Maastricht Treaty. The peoples of Western Europe do not have any direct influence over the major decision-making institutions of the EU ５ Commission ４ the Council and the ６ and those institutions have no accountability to EU citizens. Despite its success in forcing the Commission members to resign in 1999, the directly elected European Union’s Parliament in Strasbourg has only limited powers. Because of this “democratic deficit,” the peoples of Western " Europe have little sense of identity with the Union and lack loyalty to its institutions; the Germans, French, British, and others continue to identify with and be loyal to their respective nations. Without a committed ７ European citizenry, it may be very difficult for the EU to endure the ― ５ ― ! （IRab ） serious economic and political problems that lie ahead. Until this problem is resolved and a true European polity is achieved, both the political unity within the European Union and the institutions of the Union will remain extremely vulnerable. ! There is reason to doubt that monetary and economic unity can survive without greater political unity. Indeed, in their haste to achieve monetary unity, Europeans have reversed the historic relationship between monetary and political unity. No less a Brussels bureaucrat than former ８ Chief Commissioner Jacques Delors has proclaimed that the EMU could not work without a “European economic government.” Yet the French, who were for a long period the foremost advocates of an economic government to exercise control over the policies of the European Central Bank, have simultaneously and strongly resisted a political government. It is very doubtful that the EMU will work without a centralized authority of some kind. Indeed, Great Britain rejected the EMU in part because it feared that a centralized European political system would necessarily have to accompany monetary and economic unity. The history of both regional and international monetary affairs indicates that monetary and economic unity cannot proceed far without a strong political foundation. Political leaders must ensure that member countries maintain the credibility of their commitments and do not cheat. A secure political framework for European monetary integration and solution of the credibility problem could be achieved either through close cooperation of the major European powers or by the exercise of strong leadership by one or another of the major powers. Thus far, the three " major powers have failed to achieve such a cooperative relationship. Although the Germans and the French have cooperated in the sense that the Germans (at considerable expense to themselves) supported the threatened franc, the British refused to cooperate in the 1992 financial ― ６ ― ! （IRab ）９ crisis when they decided not to defend sterling because of the potentially high cost to the British economy. Furthermore, fundamental differences between Germany and France have limited their cooperation, and Germany has thus remained the sole power that could possibly perform the tasks required for greater European economic and political unity. Until and unless the governance issue is resolved, the governing ! １０ structure of the European Union will continue as a hybrid operating through a system of loose cooperation among national governments in a politically sensitive area and restricted by some higher authority held by the European Commission. The supreme decision-making body, the Council of Ministers, meets only once a month and works according to very complicated decision−making procedures. The authority of the Parliament １１ has been slowly expanding through codecision with the Council, but until the late 1990s its authority was based primarily on its ability to block legislation. How far the Union will be able to move beyond these ineffective arrangements toward its proclaimed ultimate goal of political unification remains to be seen. (Adapted from a work by Robert Gilpin) ― ７ ― ! （IRab ）（注）１．polity 政治組織２．the Maastricht Treaty マーストリヒト条約３．ratification 批准４．the Council (of the EU or Ministers) （EU または閣僚）理事会５．the Commission 欧州委員会６．accountability 責任７．a committed European citizenry 献身的な欧州の一般市民８．EMU (Economic and Monetary Union) 経済・通貨同盟（ユーロ圏）９．sterling 英国の通貨１０．hybrid 混合体１１．codecision 共同決定〈設問〉〔１〕下線部 " を訳しなさい。〔２〕下線部 # の EU の意思決定の仕組みに関して，this “democratic deficit”とはどのようなことを意味しているか答えなさい。〔３〕下線部 $ について，筆者はなぜそのように考えるのか，その理由を答えなさい。〔４〕下線部 % について，具体的な状況を説明しなさい。〔５〕下線部 & について，筆者は，EU が政治統一という究極の目標に進むには，どのような governance の改善が必要であると考えているか答えなさい。 ― ８ ― ! （IRab ）