Chasing Polio in Pakistan - Deep Blue

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Chasing Polio in Pakistan: Why the
World’s Largest Public Health Initiative
May Fail. Svea Closser, Nashville:
Vanderbilt University Press, 2010; 232 pp.
Elisha P. Renne
University of Michigan
In Chasing Polio in Pakistan, Svea Closser
provides an astute analysis of the Global
Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) in one
of three countries where wild poliovirus
transmission has not yet been interrupted
(Afghanistan and Nigeria are the other
two). With a background in medical
anthropology and public health, Closser
was well positioned to carry out this
multi-sited research, which she discusses
in seven chapters, intersected by five short
ethnographic interludes.
Through her fieldwork, which
included work with a district polio
eradication team in Pakistan as well as
interviews with WHO officials in Geneva
and CDC officers in Atlanta, Closser has
made an invaluable contribution to
understanding the dynamics of a global
health campaign. In Kaifabad, the
pseudonym for the district and city where
she served as an inadvertent health
consultant monitoring immunization
coverage, she worked with district health
department officials, women vaccinators
DOI: 10.1111/maq.12045
(referred to as “lady health workers” in
Pakistan), intermediate and zonal
supervisors, and drivers. Her detailed
accounts of their endeavors to find
unvaccinated children and give them
doses of oral polio vaccine capture the full
gamut of social life, with some individuals
dedicated to the goals of the campaign,
while others maneuvered to minimize
their efforts. These narratives, along with
her descriptions of the difficult ethical
decisions she had to make regarding how
to report missed children, provide some of
the best ethnographic depictions of a
public health campaign to date.
Closser argues that the ambivalence
and resistance of some health workers
toward the polio eradication program—
expressed by foot-dragging, data
falsification, and reliance on patron–client
relations that undermined WHO, UNICEF,
and CDC personnel’s efforts—reflect
resentment toward structures of inequality
rather than suspicions about the vaccine
itself, as was the case in Nigeria. Closser
astutely observes that this inequality both
perpetuates disease transmission and
weakens efforts to implement health and
disease control programs (11). She argues
that global health leaders and major polio
program funders, who failed to take
political concerns and power hierarchies
into account, have contributed to the
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situation of ongoing wild poliovirus
transmission in Pakistan. The difficulties
of this situation is compounded by what
Closser refers to as a “culture of
optimism,” exemplified by public
pronouncements of GPEI officials and
program funders, namely that polio
eradication is “just around the corner,”
that the technical means are there, and that
polio eradication is simply a matter of
political will that can be easily mustered.
Despite these flights of fantasy—that
political action can decreed from above
and that the technical measures can
overcome all obstacles, Closser, is, as she
puts it, “unable to abandon polio
eradication,” both because of the dangers
of a resurgence of polio cases and because
of the extraordinary efforts that many
involved in the Initiative have made (178).
Indeed, she argues that anthropologists
have much to contribute to such global
health programs, particularly in the
planning stages when accounting for the
feasibility of political support in the face of
unequal power relations should be openly
evaluated. This recommendation stems
from her belief that medical
anthropologists who critique health
initiatives also have a responsibility to
engage in constructive involvement. In
this case, she suggests that anthropologists
could contribute to planning for
alternative, locally specific, strategies
based on partnerships between
international and community-based NGOs
that would balance program goals with
local needs and concerns.
At the book’s end, she proposes one
possible alternative approach for ending
wild poliovirus transmission in Pakistan
that would shift responsibility in problem
districts to NGOs—she suggests Rotary
International, USAID, organizations
associated with Saudi Arabia, or national
religious groups. Such groups would have
the flexibility to run immunization
campaigns, working closely with local
communities leaders, while WHO
personnel would continue to manage case
surveillance (191). Although Closser is not
entirely sanguine about the possibility for
making such changes so late in the
implementation of the GPEI, such a
revised approach might have been
possible if back-up plans had been
formulated earlier on in the program.
Closser also considers the policy of
eradication, which has been much debated
in public health circles. From her
experience in Pakistan, she concludes that
eradication is a useful public health
strategy, particularly in areas with poor
health care services. In such cases,
programs such as the GPEI provide a
modicum of health care. Yet, because of
their narrow focus on one disease and not
on other health problems, eradication
programs contribute to the very global
inequalities that have hampered the
program’s progress in Pakistan. (One
might also argue that this single-minded
focus contributes to the culture of
optimism that Closser rightly criticizes.)
Part of the problem with concluding the
polio campaign in Pakistan has been that
government officials, facing many pressing
problems, did not view polio eradication
as a high priority.
Recent events in Pakistan—the
discovery of Osama bin Laden’s
whereabouts in Abbottabad and the
sequent trial and conviction of the
Pakistani doctor who aided the CIA by
Medical Anthropology Quarterly
setting up a hepatitis B vaccination scheme
there—underscores the complexity of
politics and global health. In Chasing Polio,
Closser makes an excellent contribution to
our understanding of this complexity. The
book’s content, as well as its organization
and clear writing style, make it a useful
addition to courses pertaining to global
health and public health initiatives.