Marking Presuppositional Negation in the Dialects of Southern Italy Adam Ledgeway ([email protected]) University of Cambridge In contrast to the dialects of northern Italy which, given their rich variety of grammaticalized minimizers (e.g. MICAM ‘crumb’ > mi(n)ga, REM ‘thing’ > ren, PASSUM ‘step’ > pa, NEC GUTTAM ‘not (even) a drop’ > ne(g)ota, etc.), have been the subject of a considerable number of semantic and syntactic studies (cf., among others, Schwegler 1990:151-74; Vai 1996; Parry 1997a,b; 1998; 2013; Zanuttini 1997; Manzini and Savoia 1998; 2002; 2005, III; 2011; Patruno and Sgarioto 2004; Penello 2005; Penello and Pescarini 2008; Pescarini 2005; Poletto 2008; 2010), negation in the dialects of southern Italy has received very little attention (see, however, Damonte 2008; Poletto 2009; Egerland 2010; Garzonio and Poletto 2010b) since they appear to present very little lexical and morphosyntactic variation in this area. In this paper, by contrast, I shall show that the linguistic expression of emphatic negation displays considerable variation in the dialects of southern Italy, including the syntactic marking of presuppositional negation through verb movement in some dialects (cf. Ledgeway and Lombardi 2005) and through the grammaticalizaton of an original lexical minimizer filu ‘thread’ in others (cf. Garzonio and Poletto 2010a). Among other things, the southern Italian evidence will be shown to support the idea that within the area of emphatic negation the binary opposition between presuppositional negators (‘after all…not’) and negative completive/intensive negators (‘not at all/even’) is more fluid than traditionally assumed, and, following proposals in Garzonio (2008a,b) regarding the Florentine adverb punto ‘not at all’, that these two values can in some southern dialects correspond to two distinct positions within the lower portion of the functional clause structure. 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